Tranzicija: od negacije do međunarodnog priznanja Republike Makedonije

Author(s): Gorgi Chakarjanevski / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

The author presents the political process of the creation of the Macedonian state from the time of Yugoslavia’s breakup to the international recognition of the state. He devotes particular attention to the parliamentary elections, as well as to the attitudes of neighboring states and the international community. In addition, he reviews some significant political programs from the past which preceded the national renaissance of the Macedonians.

Između revizije i tradicije: savremena istoriografija postjugoslovenskih zemalja o razdoblju protonacionalnog razvoja južnoslovenskih naroda (1780-1800)

Author(s): Boro Bronza / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

This article deals with the certain aspects of historiography on the space of post Yugoslavian countries in the matter of last few decades of 18th century (1780-1800). This period, known as period of “early national development”, has had a marginal position in the global hemisphere of former Yugoslavian historiography. The fact is that this position was not changed much during last decade. On the other hand, understanding of this short period in the term of its significance in national development on the space of former Yugoslavia is very much increased. There are two reasons for that – nationalistic explosion during 1990′s and greater level of comparative analysis of national development in Europe during the second half of 18th century which was not very present in the earlier historiography. Circumstances at the space of contemporary Slovenia and Macedonia during last few decades of 18th century were much different in the comparison with the other regions of former Yugoslavia, and for that Slovenia and Macedonia are not part of this analysis. The number of books about this problem is very much increased during last decade. Because of great influence of Habsburg Monarchy on the space of former Yugoslavia at the end of 18th century there are numerous books and articles from Austrian historians that have increased influence at the historiography of former Yugoslavia, like for example works of Karl Kaser, Harald Heppner, Ulrike Tischler etc. Their works, together with works of their colleagues from Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Montenegro have led towards some new definitions and conclusions. The emphasis is still on the war between Habsburg Monarchy and Otto¬man Empire 1788-1791. Policy of Habsburg Monarchy towards West Balkan in the last few decades of 18th century was, among other things, marked with the cooperation between Austrian Court and Christians from the space of Ottoman Empire. This kind of cooperation was very present especially in the north-western parts of Bosnia, because of its geographical position and tradition of Austrian military campaigning in this area in numerous encounters during 17th and 18th century. Beside of the offensive military approach of the emperor Joseph II (1780-1790), very significant part in the Austrian policy was political and religious influence on the Christians in the region. The problem for this cooperation and the development of political and religious intentions of local Christian inhabitants was strong confessional division between Catholics and Orthodox Christians, and especially between their religious leaders. The fact is that Austrian policy was a catalyst for faster development of “early national development”, which was speeded through crucial medium for transfer of national and political ideas at that time - religious mobilization. One of the conclusions is that there still are great possibilities in further research of this matter especially in Vienna archives (ÖsterreichischeStaatsarchiv, Abteilung Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv and Abteilung Kriegsarchiv), because some very valuable repports (like for example in series “ Aufstellungsverzeichnis des Botschaftsarchivs Konstantinopel”) are hardly seen by any earlier historian from the space of postyugoslavian countries.

Umjesto predgovora

Author(s): Jasna Turkalj,Zlatko Matijević,Stjepan Matković / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Nakon sloma političkih ideja koje su iznjedrile revolucionarna gibanja 1848./49. u zemljama je Habsburške Monarhije uveden režim neoapsolutizma, kojim je car i kralj Franjo Josip I., između ostaloga, kaznio buntovne Mađare, a “nagradio” sebi odane Hrvate. U neoapsolutističkom razdoblju, poznatome i kao Bachov apsolutizam, koje je potrajalo gotovo punih deset godina, mogu se pronaći početci pravaštva.

Prilog istraživanju pravaškog pokreta 1880-ih

Author(s): Jasna Turkalj / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Following the failure of the uprising in Rakovica in 1871 and its temporary disappearance from public life, the Party of Right resumed its active involvement in Croatian politics in 1878. Unlike the period before 1871, when a small circle of likeminded men had gathered around A. Starčević and E. Kvaternik, in the new circumstances the Rightist ideas spread broadly and grew into the basis of a nationalist movement. Representing the programme of an independent Croatian state outside of the Habsburg Monarchy even after 1878, the leaders of the Party of Right vehemently criticized the conditions created in Croatia by the 1868 constitutional agreement with Budapest and the opportunism and weakness of first the Mažuranić government, and then the government of Ladislav Pejačević. A steadily growing number of almost all of the disaffected from all strata in Croatian society gathered under the umbrella of the Party of Right. The elections to the Croatian Parliament in 1881, 1883, and 1884, which were all conducted in the face of open intimidation by the ruling regime, clearly showed the strength of the Rightist movement, as well as its tactics during the repressive rule of Ban Khuen (1887). Archival sources, the political press (both official and opposition), which is related to the pre-election activities, and the results of the elections offers a variety of data which contributes to a more complete picture of the Rightist movement. This paper will present, in chronological order, the results of analysis of sources which show the territorial extent (the gradual spread of Rightist influence throughout Civil Croatia and the former Military Frontier) and professional structure of the leadership of the Party of Right, that is, the representatives sent to the Croatian Parliament during the 1880s.

Hrvatski klub i nastanak Stranke prava u Dalmaciji

Author(s): Marina Diklić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Dissatisfaction with the politics of the National Party in Dalmatia, which played an important part in the national awakening in Dalmatia, appeared at the end of the 1870s, and culminated at the end of the 1880s and beginning of the 1890s. At the head of the politically disaffected, those who tended to be especially oriented toward Croatian nationalism and Rightist ideas, was first and foremost Don Mihovil Pavlinović, and after his death in 1887, Don Juraj Biankini. At the end of the 1880s and the beginning of the 1890s, several conflicts broke out among the members of the National Party which led to a change in its name to the National Croatian Party in 1889 and even to a split in the party in 1892. Disappointed by a lack of success in economic and political affairs a group of National Party representatives led by Biankini decided to break from the Representative Club of the old National Croatian Party and form their own club, the Croat Club. At the beginning of the 1890s a process began in Dalmatia whereby all the Rightists and the Rightist oriented groups began to unify into a united Party of Right. The main instigators of the process were Don Ivo Prodan, who led the religious- Rightist grouping, and Dr. Ante Trumbić and Frano Supilo, who led the liberal Rightist grouping. They would soon be joined by Biankini’s Croat club, which took upon itself the task of key organizer, leading ultimately to the unification of all three Dalmatian Rightist groupings and the formation of a Party of Right in Zadar in 1894. The President of the Croat Club, J. Kazimir Ljubić, became the first president of the newly established Dalmatian Party of Right.

Islam i muslimani u pravaškoj ideologiji: o pokušaju gradnje “pravaške” džamije u Zagrebu 1908.

Author(s): Zlatko Hasanbegović / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The attitude toward Islam and Muslims is one of the foundations of Rightist political-national ideology. It was framed in terms of the reality of the so-called Eastern Question in the second half of the 19th century, and as a key component of the Rightist concept of a multi-religious Croatian nation. The father of the Rightist attitude to Islam and Bosnian Muslims was the founder of the Party of Right, A. Starčević, who in his writings on the complexity of the Eastern Question compared the demonization of Islam and the Ottoman state in the ideology of Croatian Yugoslavism with the moral and social bases of Islamic teaching as well as an idealized view of the Bosnian Muslim aristocracy and the main Ottoman social and legalpolitical institutions. J. Frank and his Pure Party of Right held the same attitude toward Islam and the Muslims because in religious and cultural matters they faithfully followed the original Rightist liberal programme, taking a stand against religious exclusivism, the conflation of religion and nationality, and a politics founded upon confessional principles. Rightist liberal nationalism freed of all confessional ingredients magnetically drew the first post-Ottoman Bosnian Muslim intellectual generation infused with the ideal of harmonizing Islamic traditions and the main currents of modernism.

Jedan pogled na gospodarsku aktivnost pravaških vođa od 1861. do 1914. godine

Author(s): Mira Kolar-Dimitrijević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Rightist economic activity changed from case to case; it was strongly influenced by the regulations of the Croat-Hungarian Agreement of 1868. The article divides the economic management of the Party of Right into three time periods: 1. 1861-1871. Kvaternik writes his well known work Hrvatski glavničar (Croatian Capitalist) which points to the necessity of creating domestic capital and stimulating its growth with a stock exchange. His ideas did not find fertile ground because the members of the party did not recognize their importance. 2. 1878-1894 Following the quiet that descended upon Rightist ranks after the Rakovica uprising of 1871, the party activists returned to the political stage in 1878. Until 1890, F. Folnegović was the most important individual in the party concerned with economic matters. His efforts enabled the publication of official party organs and the construction of the Starčević Dom (Starčević House). 3. 1895-1914 In 1890, J. Frank joined the Party of Right. Even though he never established a particular economic programme for strengthening the Pure Party of Right, he can largely be credited for the fact that the coffers of the Party began to receive important contributions which he invested into party activities, but which he also used to initiate the development of industry and banking (for e.g., “Danica” in Koprivnica). During the term of P. Rauch as Ban, work was begun on establishing a Department of Economy for the Land Government, which in 1914 resulted in the creation of the fourth branch of this government, the Department of National Economy, which, even if it came too late, changed the very nature of the Croat-Hungarian Agreement.

Između starog i modernog pravaštva

Author(s): Stjepan Matković / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

This paper examines the changes which took place in the Party of Right’s approach at the end of the 19th century. The appearance of new leaders in the party (J. Frank and his collaborators) and the gradual departure of the older generation, above all A. Starčević, brought about certain changes in the tactics of the Rightists. The Party of Right’s change in direction was influenced by forces outside of the party: the constitutional system created by the Croat-Hungarian Agreement of 1868, the crisis of Dualism, the situation in the Croatian opposition, and the change in foreign policy direction. The term ‘modern Rightism’ was first coined by opponents of the Party of Right, who wanted to belabour the new Rightists with blame for divesting themselves of authentic Starčevićism. Modern Rightism certainly transformed its approach, but not in a negative sense. Its proponents accepted modernization in the political field, and tailored their political tactics to developments in Austria-Hungary. Political modernization meant setting up an organized party structure and accepting the challenges posed by the democratization of the political system. This set in motion a reciprocal process, because while democratization created the possibility for mass parties, the creation of such a party also necessitated good organization (administration, programme, statutory documents, membership, regular financial support, promotion, a network of associations, etc.). Nevertheless, adherents of modern Rightism remained faithful to the traditions of Rightist ideology established on the basis of furthering Croatian State Right and Croatian national identity. Modern Rightists (mostly followers of J. Frank, or Frankists), supported the solution of the Croatian national question within the Habsburg Monarchy, because they estimated that within its framework they could realize specific political aims and enable the economic development of Croatia.

Kad pravaši pođu različitim putovima: Frano Supilo i Josip Frank o “novom kursu”

Author(s): Jure Krišto / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The duality of Croatian political ideology, which in its most important aspects remains today, dates back to the 19th century. This duality did not develop into overt antagonism while the members of the National Party and the adherents of Starčević represented the opposing sides, but the antagonism becomes very apparent – and consequently fateful – from the time of the various fissures in the Rightist ranks. The antagonism in Croatian political ideology can be illustrated by comparing the ideological positions and political programmes of F. Supilo, a former Rightist, and J. Frank, a consistent, even if a somewhat radicalized and calculating Rightist. Their personal clash and the opposing quality of their respective ideologies culminated in the context of the promulgation of the Rijeka Resolution and the creation of the Croato-Serb Coalition. This review article begins by outlining the situation on the Croatian political scene in order to emphasize the unique quality of the political and ideological clash between Supilo and Frank. The next part of the review takes a look at their direct confrontation in the news reporting around the politics of the “New Course” and the Rijeka Resolution. The article ends by presenting some conclusions which should help in understanding Croatian political and ideological antagonisms in the era that followed and which are still apparent today.

Počinje li 1945. zapravo 1917.? – Historikerstreit

Author(s): Tihomir Cipek / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In recognition of the 1986 debate termed the ≪Historikerstreit,≫ an attempt will be made to analyze and discuss the thesis of the German historian Ernst Nolte, wherein the Bolshevik revolution of 1917 is seen as directly responsible for the emergence of Nazism and the Second World War, and its consequences in 1945. The article will show all the relevant points in the debate with emphasis paid to the conclusions of Ernst Nolte, Andreas Hillgruber, Jurgen Habermas, Ernst Jackel and Stefan Merl. The debate was conducted around three questions: first, did Nazi concentration camps represent a unique crime which cannot be compared to any other mass crime in history, or, should they be compared to the Bolshevik Gulags. Second, should Hitler≪s invasion of the USSR be interpreted as preventative defense or as a racially motivated war. Third, can the fierce defense the Germans put up against the Red Army in 1945 be interpreted as a defense of the concentration camps or as a patriotic act, that is to say, can we describe the Soviet invasion of Germany in 1945 as a liberation? This review and analysis of the 1986 debate among German historians is seen as an interpretation of the ties between communist and Nazi totalitarianism, the notion of ≪revisionism≫ in historical sciences, and the influence of historiography on the formation of democratic political culture. The debate demonstrated the unavoidable political function of historical scholarship which creates differing interpretations of the same events from the past and sheds light on important methodological terms of reference in historiography. The author concluded that 1945 did not begin in 1917; while Bolshevik terror may precede Nazi terror chronologically, it does not do so causally.

Ideologijska rekonstrukcija hrvatskog antifašizma : primjer Istre

Author(s): Darko Dukovski / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Antifascism in Istria is a complex historical and political phenomenon which carries within itself various social, national, cultural and political motives. It is not ideogically and politically, nor socially and nationally, unique. It was not a unique movement, not even among a group of politically active citizens. From its origins at the beginning of the 1920s, it contained a wide panoply of motives, aims and social supporters. Antifascism in Istria was at the same time urban and rural, Italian and Croatian-Slovenian, clerical and atheist, anti-communist and pro-communist. In such variety antifascism appears in Istria almost at the same time as the establishment of the first fascist organizations. It appeared first of all in opposition to fascist violence, and afterward as opposition to the violent national assimilation of Istrian Croats as well as opposition to social and class oppression. Its motives and activities overlap and achieve fuller expression. Even in the two greatest instances of armed antifascist uprising that occurred in the prewar era, the Republic of Labin and the revolt in Proština, both in 1921, these components are interwoven. It can be concluded that Istrian antifascist resistance was a constant which appeared relatively early, before fascism came to power, in rather varied forms and among various social, national and political factors which would significantly influence the political life of interwar Istria, but also the period of the war in which the most important social and politcal turning point occurred. Croatian antifascism was especially united during World War Two and despite minor disturbances remained committed to the same course of struggle against fascism and promotion of national unification and liberation. It was only after the liberation that it split along the lines of reaction to the communist (Bolshevik) system and the issue of relations with the Catholic Church.

Der Erste Weltkrieg in der modernen deutschen und russischen Geschichtsschreibung

Author(s): Nikolay Baranov / Language(s): German Publication Year: 0

The author gives a comparative analysis of the positions and prospects of the main problems in the history of World War I in the contemporary historiography of Germany and Russia (in the last 20 years). The author concludes that not only do German historians focus on historical events but also mentality in the context of contemporary research approaches: anthropological history, the history of everyday life, history from „below”, the history of experiences (emotions) and suffering, history of violence and imprisonment. In Russian historiography as mainstream remains to study on World War I in the context of the political, military, diplomatic, and social history.

Az új orosz állami történetfelfogásról. Három historiográfiai ujjgyakorlat

Author(s): Gyula Szvák / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Први светски рат као граница две епохе

Author(s): Konstantin Nikiforov / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Considering the chronological framework of modern times and the so-called “long 19th century” with reference to the Balkans, the author comes to the conclusion that, for the Balkans, the 19th century was actually “short” and fit into 36 years - the period between the Congress of Berlin in 1878 and the beginning of World War I in 1914. History allotted quite a short period for the Balkans to pass their way back to Europe, from gaining independence to the “Europeanization” of all life aspects. Being very important for the history of the Balkans, this period has attracted the researchers’ interest and has led to the appearance of numerous scientific works devoted to this period.

Руски ђак на челу Српског добровољачког корпуса – генерал Михаило Живковић (1856–1930)

Author(s): Aleksandar Životić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

General Mihailo Živković was one of the outstanding Serbian military commanders of the Balkan wars and World War I. He made his first officer steps during one of the 19th century wars, and finished his military service at the time of the largest military conflict in the history of Serbia and the world. Being one of the most talented infantry officers of his generation, Živković built a brilliant officer career and took the high post of military minister during the Annexation crisis. During the Balkan wars, he commanded the Ibar Army, and during World War I headed the defense of Belgrade and the Serbian Volunteer Corps in Russia. His views on military science were very close to the Russian military theory and military practice. He trained in Russia, diligently followed the changes in the Russian army, and kept close ties with Russian officers. On the other hand, the Russian military representatives highly appreciated Mihailo Živković and regarded him as the bearer of Russian influence in the Serbian military circles.

Велики и мали. Деловање Хрватске странке права у Руској царевини до Октобарске револуције

Author(s): Goran Miloradović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The article deals with the activities of the members of the Croatian Party of Rights in Russia from mid-19th century till the 1917 October Revolution. Conflict between the Serbian and Croatian program for formation of nation states was related to the aspirations of the Russian and Austrian empire to take part in the division of the Ottoman heritage in the Balkans. In such context, representatives of the Party of Rights sought to create a political base in Russia for the realization of the main goal of their program: the creation of the Croatian state in the maximum extent – within or outside the Habsburg monarchy. There was a consensus on the basic elements of Croatian national interests between the National Party of J. J. Strossmayer and the Party of Rights of A. Starčević, who cooperated. After E. Kvaternik’s failure to find support in Russia for the program of the Party of Rights, Krunoslav Heruc, very capable advocate and organizer and also a member of the Party of Rights, went to St. Petersburg. In the period from 1885 to 1917, he used the Slavophil ideology to form a number of interconnected associations which influenced various Russian institutions. He wrote for a number of newspapers and magazines in Croatia and Russia, and published a number of publications promoting the ideology of A. Starčević. During the World War I, he joined a group of associates of different nationalities with whom he fought against the policy of the Serbian government and interfered with the formation of volunteer corps in Russia. The success of his actions was partly due to distress in Serbian institutions and demoralization of the Serbian elite after the military defeat and occupation of Serbia in 1915, as well as the lack of understanding of official Russian circles of international relations in the Balkans. Struggle between the Serbian and Croatian politics in Russia was ended with the revolutions in 1917 that have paralyzed the Russian institutions, and then launched a civil war. In such circumstances, the orientation of the Yugoslav program was the only way out for the two opposing sides.

Зашто Југославија? Преоријентација Србије од Русије ка Француској?

Author(s): Gordana Jović-Krivokapić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The controversial issue of creation of a Yugoslavian state on the eve and during World War I is defined in polemical style in this article. At the same time, the French-Russian cooperation at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries is considered as a wide geostrategic context for the Serbian Yugoslavian project because it promoted reorientation of Serbia from Russia to France and resulted in creation of the Yugoslav state. The latest reviews of Serbian and foreign historiography aim to define the ideas and processes which made it possible. The studied works partly disprove of and partly develop the historiography of the previous period, which is also partially considered in the article.

Velika Srbija

Author(s): Krsto Cicvarić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Dok su hrvatski rodoljubi, – s malim izuzetkom, – smatrali da se Velika Hrvatska može ostvariti samo u okviru Austrije, dotle su srpski političari, – gotovo bez izuzetaka, – verovali da se Velika Srbija može stvoriti samo po cenu raspada Austrougarske. Otuda sukob između Srba i Hrvata u pitanju Aneksije: dok su Srbi Aneksiju shvatili kao jedan poraz svoje nacionalne ideje, kao udar za Srpstvo i celo Slovenstvo, dotle su Hrvati ovaj čin austrougarske diplomatije glorifikovali kao jedan uspeh hrvatske nacionalne ideje, kao jedan korak ka ostvarenju Velike Hrvatske, i kao takav, vrlo koristan i sa opšteslovenskog gledišta, pa da bi za Aneksiju pridobio samu Rusiju, tadašnji hrvatski nacionalni ideolog Stjepan Radić otputovao je u Petrograd (posetio je i Moskvu), gde je pokušao da, u smislu svoje aneksionističke ideologije, utiče na rusko javno mnjenje (koje je bilo odlučno protivno Aneksiji).