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4.50 €

Ponovno otkriće povijesti Nijemaca u zemljama bivše Jugoslavije – prva bilanca poslije 15 godina

Author(s): Carl Bethke / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Before the Second World War, German-speaking people, especially Austrians, were a significant national minority in Yugoslavia. After the war, about half of this community left the region. Those who remained were Germans who considered themselves to be innocent, namely the elderly, women, and children. Nevertheless, most of them were isolated in camps until 1948, where many died from the hard conditions of forced labor. For a long time, historical research on the former German minority fell on the margins of historiography. The author reviews publications, documents, and the general scholarly literature on this topic that is emerging from Germany, Serbia, Croatia, and Slovenia.

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Bosna i Hercegovina u vrtlogu

Author(s): Robert J. Donia / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

In the past six decades, English-language accounts of the Second World War in Bosnia and Herzegovina have evolved, starting with the perspective of Allied strategic military interests and moving toward an understanding of the conflict as a struggle among regional actors. In the late wartime years, English readers saw the Second World War largely through the portal of Allied military observers who visited Tito or Mihailović. Early postwar scholarly accounts of the war echoed English readers’ obsession with the gargantuan military struggle and the reasons for Allied victory. Since then, English-language histories have increasingly drawn upon the voluminous documentary record and emphasized the role of the national question in the course and outcome of the war. Some authors have adopted a regional approach and focused principally on the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The quality of recent histories is excellent, but there is a lamentable absence of social history in these works, and horrible fate of the Jews in the Second World War has all but disappeared from more recent accounts.

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Najnoviji pogledi na Drugi svjetski rat u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Husnija Kamberović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

This work examines the criticism surrounding Rasim Hurem’s 1973 study on the NOP (National Liberation Movement) in eastern Bosnia. Kamberović argues that as a direct consequence to the controversy surrounding Hurem’s study, the Bosnian historiography on the Second World War has grown static. He notes that criticisms of Hurem’s work, which need to be understood in the broader political context of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 1970s, essentially disavowed any scholarship on the Second World War that did not fit with the general narrative of the wartime victors. Afterwards, scholars lost the courage to introduce new works that provide different perspectives of the war or to address different wartime themes.

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Historijske refleksije antifašističkog rata u Makedoniji u makedonskoj historiografiji 1991-2005. godine

Author(s): Marjan Dimitrijevski / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

In the past decade, Macedonian historiography has been enriched by new studies that offer scholarly and thoughtful interpretations of the Macedonian struggle against fascism (NOAR) and its role in the larger coalition against fascism. This scholarship adheres to the principles and methodologies used in contemporary European and Balkan history, adopting a healthy and critical spirit to objectively and impartially examine the subject. Dimitrijevski traces how this scholarship is leading in new directions for the general understanding of the Macedonian anti-fascist movement. In doing so, he notes that this historiography is critical to the development of Macedonia’s national identity, national consciousness, and inter-community relations as well as for issues of human rights, democracy, freedom, equality, peace, and tolerance in the region.

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Masakri i genocid počinjeni u Drugom svjetskom ratu i ponovno otkrivanje žrtava

Author(s): Tea Sindbaek / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

It seems to be a common tendency of the historiography of the Second World War in Yugoslavia and several other countries that certain types of victimisation were left out of history writing for several decades. Particularly experiences of defenceless and humiliated victims were apparently too shameful and painful to be conceived for a long period after the war. From the 1970s and particularly in the 1980s, however, massacres and victims became central in historiography and popular history in Yugoslavia and elsewhere. While this is probably partly the result of a necessary distance in time, it seems also to accompany a change in international discourse, which ascribes moral and symbolic esteem to the role of victims. Yugoslav historiography naturally had its particular characteristics. There were ideological imperatives, some of which would have been similar to those of other socialist countries, while others were indeed special for Yugoslavia: The need to emphasise an autochthonous revolution independent of the Soviet Union, a history of brutal violence and strong antagonisms between different groups within Yugoslavia, the changing political climates, not least following Tito’s death. Nevertheless the similarities in the developments of Second World War historiography in Yugoslavia and elsewhere are striking. Therefore I believe that Yugoslav historiography has participated in and been influenced by these common tendencies. In the Yugoslav case the heroic deeds of the partisans remained the positive focus of World War II history into the 1970s. When finally genocide and victims’ suffering entered the historians’ agenda in the 1980s, however, these issues formed a particularly powerful theme within history and public debate. This was partly because re-evaluation of this historic period also meant rethinking of the background of the political system, and partly because reviving these gruesome historic experiences would inevitably influence national relations among the Yugoslav peoples.

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Oni su 1945. odstupili

Author(s): Omer Hamzić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

This work attempts to clarify the complex and loaded meanings behind the phrase “They who retreated in 1945,“ which is still used in the Gračanica area. First, Hamzić explains the concept of “retreat.” After establishing the truth of the fates of the individuals who fall in this category, he works to demystify them. He notes that while there is little need to rehabilitate these people today, there is a historical need to understand them. Indeed, when we analyze this category, the question of liberation and occupation in April and May 1945 seems redundant. Hamzić analyzes the people and goals behind the “fabrication” of this term and the purpose it served. He concludes that it is imperative to clarify this debate because it continues to effect Bosnian families today.

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Bosanskohercegovački Hrvati za vrijeme Drugog svjetskog rata (kao dio hrvatskog nacionalnog korpusa)

Author(s): Ivo Goldstein / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In this article, the author examines the changes that occurred within the Bosnian and Herzegovinian Croatian community during the Second World War that led individuals to sympathize with different warring factions. Although the entire Croatian nation gradually joined the Partisan cause, this process happened more quickly in the coastal regions of Istria and Dalmatia and several smaller Croatian inland areas. For a number of reasons the Bosnian and Herzegovinian Croats lagged behind their Croatian counterparts in joining the Partisan movement. Except for individuals who had been Communists in the pre-war period, Bosnian and Herzegovinian Croats did not side with the Partisans until the autumn of 1943. After that point, the number of Croats in the Partisans steadily increased until the end of the war.

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Posljednji mjeseci ratnog perioda: Sarajevska Iskustva

Author(s): Emily Greble Balić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

In this article, Emily Balić examines social conditions in Sarajevo during the final months of World War II. By January 1945, a constellation of factors including the Croatian state’s inability to monitor local governments or distribute resources; the German occupation; and the refugee crisis created by the Yugoslav civil war, had rendered Sarajevo’s local government nearly bankrupt and totally ineffective. To fill this leadership void, private clubs and societies (“društva”) took over important social services. The društva had their own financial and material resources from membership dues, private donations, and the strategic takeover of property and businesses during the war. Run by small groups of community elites with close ties to local politicians and religious leaders, the društva had access to thousands of Sarajevans through religious, cultural, and political circles. They organized schools, lectures, and exams, distributed food, and built and maintained refugee camps and children’s homes. Moreover, they were the principal liaison between Sarajevo’s citizens and the government, a position they used to shape local policy, mold public attitudes, and preserve social mores and conservative values as the war drew to a close. When the Communist Partisans arrived in Sarajevo, they allowed many of the društva (albeit with new leadership) to continue their work in the city in order to maintain order. Thus, the društva served as an important bridge from fascism to Communism and from the dying Independent State of Croatia to the emerging Yugoslavia.

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Počinje li 1945. zapravo 1917.? – Historikerstreit

Author(s): Tihomir Cipek / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In recognition of the 1986 debate termed the ≪Historikerstreit,≫ an attempt will be made to analyze and discuss the thesis of the German historian Ernst Nolte, wherein the Bolshevik revolution of 1917 is seen as directly responsible for the emergence of Nazism and the Second World War, and its consequences in 1945. The article will show all the relevant points in the debate with emphasis paid to the conclusions of Ernst Nolte, Andreas Hillgruber, Jurgen Habermas, Ernst Jackel and Stefan Merl. The debate was conducted around three questions: first, did Nazi concentration camps represent a unique crime which cannot be compared to any other mass crime in history, or, should they be compared to the Bolshevik Gulags. Second, should Hitler≪s invasion of the USSR be interpreted as preventative defense or as a racially motivated war. Third, can the fierce defense the Germans put up against the Red Army in 1945 be interpreted as a defense of the concentration camps or as a patriotic act, that is to say, can we describe the Soviet invasion of Germany in 1945 as a liberation? This review and analysis of the 1986 debate among German historians is seen as an interpretation of the ties between communist and Nazi totalitarianism, the notion of ≪revisionism≫ in historical sciences, and the influence of historiography on the formation of democratic political culture. The debate demonstrated the unavoidable political function of historical scholarship which creates differing interpretations of the same events from the past and sheds light on important methodological terms of reference in historiography. The author concluded that 1945 did not begin in 1917; while Bolshevik terror may precede Nazi terror chronologically, it does not do so causally.

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Uloga Ozne u preuzimanju vlasti u Hrvatskoj 1945.

Author(s): Zdenko Radelić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

This paper analyzes the work of the Odjeljenje za zaštitu naroda (OZN – Department of National Defense), the information and intelligence service of the Yugoslavian Armed Forces under the leadership and full control of the Communist Party, in the takeover of government after the conquest of designated areas in the territory of Croatia, especially the larger cities. In the period which preceded the takeover of government, the OZN placed the greatest emphasis on the collection of information about the condition of its enemies and potential opponents, the assignments of the most important officers of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) and the Ustaša organization, the members of the Croat Peasant Party (HSS) and other political parties, the supporters of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and collaborators of the Third Reich, as well as the disposition of units of the NDH and the Third Reich. It especially monitored the disposition of units in cities, their streets and buildings and plans of defense. One section of the OZN produced a file listing those who were to be arrested and have their property seized. In cooperation with other state institutions of Federal Croatia, it elaborated plans for the operation of state and municipal bodies and productive and service organizations, in order to ensure the uninterrupted flow of daily life. At the end of the war and during the consolidation of the new government, the most attention was paid to the HSS and the Intelligence Service of Great Britain. The work is based on the reports of the OZN, which are held at the Croatian State Archive.

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Ideologijska rekonstrukcija hrvatskog antifašizma : primjer Istre

Author(s): Darko Dukovski / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Antifascism in Istria is a complex historical and political phenomenon which carries within itself various social, national, cultural and political motives. It is not ideogically and politically, nor socially and nationally, unique. It was not a unique movement, not even among a group of politically active citizens. From its origins at the beginning of the 1920s, it contained a wide panoply of motives, aims and social supporters. Antifascism in Istria was at the same time urban and rural, Italian and Croatian-Slovenian, clerical and atheist, anti-communist and pro-communist. In such variety antifascism appears in Istria almost at the same time as the establishment of the first fascist organizations. It appeared first of all in opposition to fascist violence, and afterward as opposition to the violent national assimilation of Istrian Croats as well as opposition to social and class oppression. Its motives and activities overlap and achieve fuller expression. Even in the two greatest instances of armed antifascist uprising that occurred in the prewar era, the Republic of Labin and the revolt in Proština, both in 1921, these components are interwoven. It can be concluded that Istrian antifascist resistance was a constant which appeared relatively early, before fascism came to power, in rather varied forms and among various social, national and political factors which would significantly influence the political life of interwar Istria, but also the period of the war in which the most important social and politcal turning point occurred. Croatian antifascism was especially united during World War Two and despite minor disturbances remained committed to the same course of struggle against fascism and promotion of national unification and liberation. It was only after the liberation that it split along the lines of reaction to the communist (Bolshevik) system and the issue of relations with the Catholic Church.

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Između kralja, poglavnika i maršala

Author(s): Tvrtko Jakovina / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The author attempts to situate that watershed year that concluded the Second World War in the context of world history and show what it meant for the development of Croatia and Yugoslavia. He focusses on the relations among the Allies regarding the disagreement concerning Tito, especially the plans from the end of 1943 to the beginning of 1944 in which Ivan Šubašić was to be inserted in Croatian territory in order to influence Croat Peasant Party sympathizers to transfer their allegiance to the ≪Partisan flag≫, as recorded in the documents of the British Foreign Office. From 1944, Ivan Šubašić was the key element in the British and American governments≫ attempt to decommunize the character of Josip Broz’s Partisan movement and ensure a multiparty, democratic and federal consitutional monarchy in Yugoslavia. Josip Broz Tito determined matters on the ground; he was unwilling to accept the decisions made between Moscow and London, or those in Yalta, although he was not entirely negative. In addition, the author points out the Soviet strategy for the gradual communization of Eastern Europe, as well as the American consent to Moscow obtaining a security zone along the borders of the USSR, and how this pertains to the circumstances in Yugoslavia. The relations within the Independent State of Croatia and the relations of Hitler and Pavelić were unimportant to the political solution of Croatia’s or Yugoslavia’s future.

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Politika komunističkog režima u Jugoslaviji prema vjerskim zajednicama 1945. godine

Author(s): Miroslav Akmadža / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

During 1945 important changes in the status o religious communities occurred, first in the territories under Partisan control, and after the conclusion of the war, in the whole territory of the newly established communist state of Yugoslavia. Compared to the previous regime, the policy of the communist government toward religious communities changed in important ways, which resulted in distrust among religious communities toward the new leadership. Fear of the new regime’s policies as far as religion and religious communities were concerned was quickly realized, as it set about making a harsh account of the leaders of the most numerous religious communities, along with the clergy in general.

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Saveznički izbjeglički logori počeci otpora hrvatske političke emigracije komunističkom režimu u domovini / logor Fermo/

Author(s): Berislav Jandrić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

After the collapse of the Independent State of Croatia and the unsuccessful surrender to the Allies at Bleiburg, many Croats found safe shelter in the Allied refugee camps in Austria, Italy, Germany, and so on. After getting over the initial period of shock, the Croatian political emigration began to organize, drawing up plans to take action to bring down the communist regime in the homeland and reestablish the Independent State. Camp Fermo in Italy, even if by land the furthest distance from the homeland, was the center which held the greatest number of Croatian intellectuals, emigrants, and also individuals of other social classes who were the first proponents and organizers of opposition to the existing communist regime in Yugoslavia.

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Izvještaji Zemaljske komisije za utvrđivanje zločina okupatora i njihovih pomagača na području Bjelovara od 1944. do 1947. godine

Author(s): Martina Grahek Ravančić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The Moscow Conference at which the Decree concering war crimes was tabled, as well as the creation of the International Commission for War Crimes, spurred the establishment of the State Commission for the Confirmation of the crimes of the Occupiers and their assistants on 20 October 1943 in London. Its mandate was to control the work of the National Commissions. This article is based on archival materials which analyze the organization and activity of the National Commission for the Confirmation of the crimes of the Occupiers and Collaborators in the environs of Bjelovar in the period from 1944 to 1947. The documents collected attempt to establish the crimes committed against Serbs, Jews, Roma and other individuals from the environs of Bjelovar during the time of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). Many functionaries of the NDH regime and members of judicial institutions are named as perpetrators responsible for the crimes.

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Uklanjanje 1945/46. grobalja i grobova "okupatora" i "narodnih neprijatelja" poginulih 1941-45. na području Nezavisne Države Hrvatske

Author(s): Vladimir Geiger / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The duration and intensity of WWII in the territoiy of the Independent State of Croatia, the presence of occupation forces of the German Reich and the Kingdom of Italy, armed forces of the Independent State of Croatia, as well as the activities of the Yugoslav monarchists and communist-led partisans, caused direct clashes between the belligerent parties. This led to a number of casualties both among soldiers and civilians. Irreconcilable ideologies and military and political interests of the conflicting parties in the general and civil war increased the number of casualties. The communists reckoning with real or purported enemies alike in Yugoslavia during WWII and especially at its end and right after it, was massive and without mercy. Part of the radical and total reckoning of the Yugoslav communists with their enemies immediately after WWII was the order of the Interior Ministry of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia of May 18, 1945 about removal of graves of "occupiers" and "enemies of the people" that targeted graves, tombstones of German, Italian and Hungarian armies, as well as those of the ustasha, chetniks and Slovenian home guards. The fact that the order was systematically implemented in the territory of the Independent State of Croatia is proven by surviving documents and testimonies of eyewitnesses, as well as by the state of the graveyards themselves. The graves of fallen partisans and victims of "Fascist terror" were protected by law, put in order and well maintained in Yugoslavia after WWII, whereas the graves of "enemy" soldiers and "collaborators" remained outside of the pale of the law. This remained so until the break-up of Yugoslavia.

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Обнова Савеза јеврејских вероисповедних општина Југославиje после Другог светског pata и повратак прве групе јеврејских заробљеника и избеглица у Србију

Author(s): Mladenka Ivanković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The activity of the Union of Jewish Religious Communes in Yugoslavia (henceforth: the Union) was renewed on October 22, 1944. The Union was reconstructed on the basis of the pre-war organization that went into the same activities and bore the same name. Under the law valid at the moment the Union had been set up, it was treated as a religious community. In keeping with the changed social and political conditions, it was necessary to start the process of adapting to the new reality. The change of status and character of the post-war Jewish community was officially adopted at the sixth post-war conference of the Union of Jewish Communes in September 1952. This was made official by removing the word “religious” from the official name of the Union. After WWII there were some 4,400 Jews who had survived the war as civilians and members of the partisan movement in the whole territory of Yugoslavia. The population that had survived the horrors of the war in the Yugoslav territory was enlarged through arrival of refugees and POWs who had been in camps in occupiers’ or neutral countries. They were registered with the Union. Apart from Yugoslav citizens, among the refugees who contacted the Union there were also citizens of 18 European and non-European countries: of Germany, Switzerland, Turkey, USA, UK, Columbia, Spain, Syria, France and Poland. The Union of Jewish Religious Communes of Yugoslavia organized their lives too and took care of them, as well as of Yugoslav nationals.

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Preveravanje Srba u Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj

Author(s): Milan Koljanin / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Jugoslovenska država je 1918. stvorena na liberalnim načelima, među njima i na načelu slobode veroispovesti i verske ravnopravnosti, baštineći tradiciju Kraljevine Srbije. To načelo je prihvaćeno tokom pregovora o uređenju buduće države sredinom 1917. i uneseno u Ustav nove države. Uvođenje liberalnog građanskog uređenja u jugoslovenskoj državi je omogućilo polet hrvatskog nacionalističkog pokreta oličenog u Hrvatskoj seljačkoj stranci. Rimokatolička crkva (RKC) nije bila zadovoljna svojim položajem u jugoslovenskoj državi. Umesto privilegovanog položaja u dvojnoj monarhiji, ona je posle 1918. bila jedna od priznatih veroispovesti u državi u kojoj je vladar bio pravoslavne vere. Izvestan broj rimokatolika je iz raznih razloga (iz ubeđenja, zbog braka, iz karijerističkih pobuda) prihvatio pravoslavnu veru. Velikodostojnici RKC su izuzetno preuveličavali te brojeve nastojeći i time da dokažu da je ona u neravnopravnom položaju u odnosu na Srpsku pravoslavnu crkvu (SPC). Gašenje političke aktivnosti posle proglašenja diktature kralja Aleksandra januara 1929. otvorilo je prostor RKC da preko masovnih organizacija Katoličke akcije i Križara organizuje jednu od najsnažnijih opozicija režimu. [...]

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Rušenje pravoslavnih crkava na području Pakračko-slavonske eparhije početkom Drugog svetskog rata: osvrt iz ugla sačuvane eparhijske arhive

Author(s): Aleksandra Kučeković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Sudbina imovine Srpske pravoslavne crkve u Nezavisnoj državi Hrvatskoj, na prvom mestu njenih hramova i pripadajućih crkvenih zgrada, često je jugoslovensku, a potom i srpsku istoriografiju interesovala kao sekundarna sastavnica sprovođenja opšteg antisrpskog projekta NDH. Veoma je mali broj specifičnih studija posvećenih ovom problemu, a još je manje metodološki precizno i potpuno naučno korektno profilisanih pristupa u njima. Posledično, još uvek ne postoje sasvim jasne identifikacije posebnih motiva, institucionalne organizacije i rezultata rušenja ili devastacije pravoslavnih crkava u prve dve godine nakon uspostave ustaškog režima u Hrvatskoj. Opšti ideološki okvir uništavanja Srpske pravoslavne crkve kao institucije u NDH nakon 1941. istoriografski je ipak temeljno rasvetljen, prvenstveno zahvaljujući obilju dokaza koje pružaju sačuvani izvori. Međutim, izvori za rasvetljavanje fenomena rušenja crkava znatno su oskudniji i dominantno spadaju u kategoriju danas teško proverljivih, a u pojedinostima često i kontradiktornih zabeleženih individualnih svedočanstava. [...]

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ZAŠTO JE, I KOMU, ZAVNOBIH SPORAN?

Author(s): Ivan Cvitković / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina during SACNL BIH and today (nationalism; dying of one state and emergence of the other; the change of values; seeking for political aliens outside Bosnia and Herzegovina; SACNL BiH was the alternative, is there an alternative today; fear; illusions of “our” truth). Has the national key become “rusted”? (Constitution from 1910; is it possible to neglect the national key in a country in which 96% of its population declares themselves as Bosniacs, Croats and Serbs; does today’s politics know how to treat national and religious identities). O kindred, let me make a poem about the language to you, the stupid language of yours and the wise one of mine – Krleža (How had the SACNL BIH treated the issue of the language and how do today’s politicians do it). How had SACNL BIH determined Bosnia and Herzegovina? (A review of documents, presentation by R. Čolaković). A stand view of the most prominent Serbian and Croatian politicians towards Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1943 and today (stand views of Đ. Pucar, R. Čolaković, N. Mastilović, B. Brajković, J. Grgurić and attitudes of today’s politicians towards Bosnia and Herzegovina). An attitude of SACNL BIH towards the religion (participation of priests in sessions of SACNL BIH; a stand view of the Partisan movement towards practising religion; establishment of Commission for religious affairs; about a religious education in schools). Concluding considerations.

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