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The main area of interest in this paper is the possibility of the interpretation of the past in a museum, in the particular case the Museum of Yugoslav History, as well as the possibilities of this museum to follow the ideas of patrimonialization, on the one hand, and aspects of the New Museology, on the other, considering the existing collection and visitors who have their own memories regarding the Yugoslav past. Often, people come to “reactivate” their own, personal, memories at this place, which is not strange, because the museum itself was created at first as a representation of the president Josip Broz Tito, and later on, when Tito was buried inside the House of Flowers Mausoleum, the part of the museum complex, the museum became the prominent sign of the commemoration of him. The first part of this papеr is dedicated to the patrimonialization theory, as the main process regarding the museum’s work. Furthermore, the importance of the memory for that process is being recognised, as well as, the differentiation of the two kinds of memory, according to Jan and Aleida Assman – communicative and cultural. The first is related to the personal memories that the witnesses of some historical events share, and the second represents the detachment of the memories from the “living” witnesses, and their transference on the material carriers of the past. These two types of the memory will imply the difference in the determination of the target audience and different ways of the interpreting the past. Second part of this paper is related to the history of the museum, founded in 1962 as a place to store and represent Tito’s numerous gifts. The museum was created as the part of the Tito’s propaganda wanting to emphasize his personality, alongside with other monuments, annual celebrations, etc.. The aim of this propaganda was to create the idea of unity, that remained even after his death. Over the time the museum expands its work on the modern exhibition practices, interpretation of the Yugoslavia related to the concepts of the contemporary museology, however, the problem of the balancing between the two interpretations, the visitors who come to see the resting place of Josip Broz Tito, and the tourists and youth who seek the answers to the question what Yugoslavia was, still remains. Finally, the questions of the interpretation of the Yugoslav past will be asked, mainly through the exhibition “Yugoslavia from the Beginning to the End”, and its critics, from the visitors, but from the people who work in the museum as well, and were related to the creation of the exhibition. Furthermore, the problem of the nostalgia will be introduced and the various uses of it, as well as the “real” nostalgia related to the people who worship their former president, but the “postmodern” one as well, related to the pastiche and contemporary uses of the past.
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Essay by Adam Michnik at the occasion of the 10th Anniversary of Gazeta Wyborcza
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Organized by opposition leader Navalny on a public holiday, the protests led to mass arrests in Russia’s two largest cities.
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The NATO aggression against the FR of Yugoslavia carried out from 24 March to 9 June 1999 produced far-reaching adverse consequences for the economy and population of Yugoslavia. During this aggression, NATO used about 1,200 aircraft (including 850 combat ones) which had about 27,000 sorties. More than a thousand cruising rockets were launched and tens of thousands of bombs and other missiles of the highest possible destructive capacity were dropped/launched. Both military and civilian facilities were targeted. Many industrial and other civilian facilities were completely destroyed or heavily damaged. Heavy damage was inflicted on the infrastructure: many bridges, scores of kilometres of railways, power supply facilities and telecommunication facilities were destroyed. A large number of public utility facilities were destroyed, particularly in Kosovo and Metohija. Heavy damage was inflicted on schools, hospitals, radio and TV stations, cultural monuments, churches and monasteries. Many residential and office buildings were destroyed or damaged. In view of the fact that the best portion of the housing stock in Yugoslavia is owned by private individuals, by acting as they did, the NATO forces violated one of the basic rights of any man. Worst of all, several thousand people, members of the military and civilians alike, lost their lives or got wounded, meaning that that the county's human capital was reduced considerably.
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Position of president of the republic worldwide has been vastly discussed in domestic and foreign literature. However, the position of presidential spouse, as far as the authors know, hasn’t been under much scrutiny. That very fact has instigated the authors to research this matter and give incentive for further scientific research. The object of analysis are only certain European countries, because the intention was to analyse European countries that were the part of so-called ‘communist bloc’. This is logical choice, having in mind that our country was also part of that milieu. The paper consists of three parts – introduction that gives brief overview of the position of president in these countries, main part that contemplates concrete solutions and concluding remarks that intent to summarize findings of the research.
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After 1989, the Romanian educational system has experienced the difficult way of reforms, both as regards the educational policy, but also the educational system and process. The school was forced to reformulate its mission, to make changes at the structural and functional level, to adapt to political and social changes. Although it was marked by good intentions, the educational reform has not been exempt from any breakdown, due to inexperience, but also the lack of strategic vision to mid- and long term. The new context request professionalisation of the educational field and changing mentalities.
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Director says the show explores the lives of ordinary Kosovans juxtaposed with the tragedy of the Serbian strongman.
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Why are Hungary and Poland turning away from constitutional democracy? From The Conversation.
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The problem of post-communist transitional processes is distinguished by its complexity from the rest of the changes within the third wave of democratisation in general, while the transition in Bosnia and Herzegovina is differentiated by its uniqueness from other post-communist transitional processes. Along with the problems of the creation of the state, democratisation and the transformation of the economic system, which were common to all post-communist states, Bosnia and Herzegovina has faced with a deep inner problem of a divided post-war society and subsequently with the different seeing of institutional format of the political system by the three national political elites and international actors, which has become the key barrier for the consolidation of democracy.
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This review discusses the book Duchologia polska. Rzeczy i ludzie w latach transformacji (2016) by Olga Drenda, placing it in the context of a larger cultural tendency representing an interest in the end of the period of socialist Poland and the transition to capitalism and democracy as well as a more global trend described, among others, by Simon Reynolds as the ‘Re’ Decade (2011). Polish hauntology refers to the mythologization of the past, which cannot be assessed unambiguously, but is recalled with nostalgia, largely without taking into consideration the nature of the cultural phenomena it refers to. In a nostalgic perspective, it is not the balanced assessment that comes to the foreground but emotions and personal memories. This article looks at Olga Drenda’s book as a valuable voice in the discussion on nostalgia, capturing some of these personal responses to the past. The book shows in a successful, though incomplete way, that events, people, places and objects stored in old photographs and memories may create a unique cultural experience.
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Fedinec Csilla – Szarka László – Vizi Balázs (szerk.): Etnikai pártok Kelet-Közép-Európában 1989-2014. Budapest, MTA TK Kisebbségkutató Intézet – MTA BTK Történettudományi Intézet – Gondolat Kiadó, 2018. 480.
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This paper aims to provide an insight into the European Union constructing its role as a normative power in relation to Central and Eastern European countries. Spe-cial attention is drawn to a specific scenario, namely Romania´s attempts to initia-te the transitional justice process. Thereby, it is shown that transitional justice has become increasingly relevant within the EU, and that it has recently evolved into an independent European field of action within the democratization policy. This leads to the question of previous manifestations and impacts of Europe´s normative power role in relation to Central and Eastern European countries, more specifically to Romania´s transitional justice measures. Although a more indirect approach has been followed, the diffusion of Europe´s norms within communicative platforms and even normative pressure were identified in relation to truth seeking attempts and reconciliation with the communist past.
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The main aim of the article is to examine a new phenomenon which we witness in Central Europe, namely the illiberal shift. The significant victory of Viktor Orbán in 2010 has determined a new era not only in Hungarian but also in European poli-tics. Basic rules and principles of liberal democracy in Hungary have been deeply weakened. The attack on the separation of powers, the rights of the opposition, in-dependence of public institutions are only few examples of the current illiberal mat-rix used by Fidesz’s government in Hungary, but also Law and Justice in Poland. Im-portantly, this paper analyses the correlation between the transition process of the early 1990s and the current conservative and declarative anti-neoliberal revolution in the region. Readers of this article could also discover some links with even more illiberal political practices applied by the countries of the former Soviet bloc.
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How to approach the Soviet past is today the subject of fierce dispute between the Russian state and independent organisations. The state labelled many of them as de facto hostile when it placed them on a list of purported foreign agents. This also concerns the association Memorial, which has been dedicated to the subject of repression in the Soviet era in a long-term and consistent manner. Using it as an example makes it possible to follow the long-term transformation of the official perspective of the Russian state on the Soviet past.
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The purpose of this paper is to determine as precisely as possible the limits of regulation of the main post-communist law carrier, as by conventional means to self-exclude or to self-limit the liability arising from the various specific operations of its activity.
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In 1989 a system collapsed, and with it, a world full of illusions and hopes built on an artificial ideology. There were crashed institutions that seemed frozen in time, mentalities have changed structures and economic relations joined by thousands of threads that gave the impression that they are eternal demolished like a sand castle, human relations were discarded from the coat of constraints of all kinds, the family became again free to make their own projects. In 1989 there was a process the reshaped the international system. It was then when a world came to life! The concept of welfare state exhausted the credibility resources, and so it was opened another model of competition between individual entities or communities that engaged value above which until then were other masters.
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