![Девета българо-американска научна конференция в областта на хуманитарните науки – Университет на Орегон](/api/image/getissuecoverimage?id=picture_2012_27123.jpg)
We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
The main goal of this paper is to discuss whether the first President of the Republic of Croatia Franjo Tuđman and the Croatian leadership in the 1990s were anti-Semitic. The minimization of the number of Holocaust victims and Holocaust denial, which includes statements that the Holocaust was a myth or a hoax produced by the Jews, are considered to be driven by anti-Semitism. These theories were present in historiography and later in politics. The outburst of political anti-Semitism, according to Western historians, can be found in Eastern Bloc countries after the collapse of their communist regimes. Croatia began its journey towards democracy and independence within this framework. Even before he became Croatian president, Tuđman was a controversial person due to his book Horrors of War: Historical Reality and Philosophy, which some circles described as anti-Semitic. Some of his statements were misinterpreted and his policy of national reconciliation, which meant ironing out the half-century-old political divisions between the Croats, was perceived as the rehabilitation of the Ustasha regime and its Independent State of Croatia (NDH), which carried out genocide against the Serbs, the Jews, and the Roma during World War II. Such widespread perception, supported by Serbian propaganda, prolonged the establishment of the diplomatic relations between the Republic of Croatia and the State of Israel until 1997. The relations between the Croatian leadership, Croatian people in general, and the Jewish community in Croatia in the 1990s were, however, very positive. Some established members of the Jewish community held high-ranking positions in the Croatian leadership. An appeal made by Nenad Porges, president of the Jewish community of Zagreb, to all the Jews in the world, in which he claimed that the Croatian Government was not anti-Semitic, proves the stability of those relations and the support of the Jewish community to Croatia during the Greater-Serbian aggression.
More...
The article looks through the changes in the memory of the Second World War as part of the transformations in the ideas that were established after the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the disappearance of the Marxist-Leninist ideology dominance in the East European countries. The author offers her version of the transformations in the memory of the Second World War, while analyzing the process of the Holocaust ideas’ establishment and the need for condemnation of all totalitarian regimes. According to her, two parallel processes take place in Europe after 1989 – the establishment of the Holocaust as a main event during the whole world war, going from West to East, and the enforcement of the view for similarity between the two totalitarian regimes – the National-Socialist and the Bolshevik, going in the opposite direction. The second process of European revisionism requires not only condemnation of the Communist crimes against humanity in a way similar to the condemnation of the Nazi crimes through the Nurnberg tribunal, but also a full revision of the views on the reasons, the driving forces and the results of the Second World War. In such way, the confrontations between Russia and the West nowadays, related mostly to the accession of Crimea and the war activities in Ukraine, also have their impact on the past: 70 years after its end, the war is starting to look more and more not like a collision between the anti-Hitler coalition and the Axis powers, but like a fight between two totalitarian regimes, in which, for one reason or another, most of the then existing countries were included.
More...
This paper deals with the issue of the New Towns built in the 1950s in East Germany and Yugoslavia, in particular Eisenhüttenstadt in Germany and Velenje in Slovenia. The authors would argue that socialist New Towns have gained historical and public recognition over recent decades and seem to have adopted a sense of heritage, both on the local and national levels. This article discusses the interpretations and recognition of (post-) socialist towns as places of cultural and historical value, as well as the post-socialist practices of the locals with regard to the cultural heritage of their towns. The national and local recognition of both New Towns reflect their position at the time of their planning and building in the 1950s. Eisenhüttenstadt was a showcase town for East Germany and has currently been (inter-) nationally recognised as a new, model town, while lacking a local sense of heritage. On the other hand, plans for the new town centre of Velenje, its financing and construction, were initiated by the local authorities and the Coal Mine Company managers, with the substantial assistance of the town’s residents. While the New Town of Velenje immediately started to cultivate its mining identity, as well as the value of being a town built with the voluntary contribution of its residents, the heritage of Velenje being a new, modern town was and is discussed and contested locally and only partly nationally.
More...
China’s “One Belt, One Road” initiative is designed as a development strategy and framework that focuses on connectivity and collaboration and clearly reads as an ambitious vision for transforming the political and economic landscapes of Eurasia over the coming decades via a network of trade and infrastructure partnerships. The “Belt and Road” run through the continents of Asia, Europe, and Africa, connecting the vibrant East Asia economic circle at one end and developed European economic circle at the other, and encompassing countries with huge potential for economic development. The formation of the 16+1 framework is one of the most. The ‘16+1’ framework as one of the important achievements of China’s diplomacy, refers to different mechanisms and arrangements between China and 16 Central and Eastern European countries. This cooperation framework has been widely accepted in Central and Eastern European countries and has moved on a fast track. The inclusion of the ‘16+1’ cooperation framework into the concept of the New Silk Road (“One Belt, One Road”) is the most important and promising element for the CEEC. The region is predestined to be the Road’s ‘hub’ and can be used during its construction, all the more so because the individual states and cities of the region have been aware of the opportunities connected to it. From the potential and future development of the “One Belt, One Road” initiative the platform “16+1” Bulgaria also expects to deepen cooperation in tourism, agriculture and food, energy sector, science, education and culture. Bulgaria is considered also a leader in the field of information technologies in Southeastern Europe and in the production of components for the automotive industry so it’s another opportunity for future Chinese investment in these emerging sectors in Bulgaria. Bulgaria declares strong commitment to support Chinese companies wishing to invest in Bulgaria in sectors in which Bulgaria has traditional advantages and those that provide high added value and increased competitiveness of the economy – engineering, automotive, electronics, information and communication technologies, chemical and pharmaceutical industry, agriculture and food industry, the creation of industrial zones and hi-tech parks. Bulgaria always emphasizes its desire to attract Chinese companies to invest in Bulgarian industrial zones, which can be obtained support from “National Company Industrial Zones”.
More...
Political apathy means lack of interest in politics and it plays a significant role in identifying the level of involvement of citizens in public policy issues and democracy. Interested citizens are familiar with numerous political issues and are more active than apathetic citizens. Apathy means a political indifference and the opposite of it is the political interest in democracy. Political apathy is an attitude, rather than only any lack of activity and it doesn’t mean only the ‘no vote’ situation. The mount of political apathy in some European countries eventually can be treated as specific peculiarity of political systems of those countries and as a consequence of specific political cultures of certain countries. But, in the case of the Balkan countries, aside these reflections, one may identify some other reasons that lead to the decline of interest to take part actively in the political processes, especially in terms of their declining percentage in the voting outcomes. In studying the political factors and simulation elements to the political apathy, apart of the premises that reflect with challenges of political participation and difficulties of political representation; and the issue of citizens’ political involving discouragement, however one should consider as well as the specifics of the political culture. The paper explores the core factors and challenges of the political scenes of the Balkan countries in the transition and it pretend to identify the systematic phenomena that reflect from these factors and challenges within the theoretical context of the political culture.
More...
To understand contemporary geopolitics, especially Polish geopolitics you have to refer to the history. Polish geopolitical philosophy has flourished in a crucial period in the history of the country - the To understand contemporary geopolitics, especially Polish geopolitics you have to refer to the history. Polish geopolitical philosophy has flourished in a crucial period in the history of the country - the time of the fall of the First Republic and partitions. Sketch of Polish geopolitics is well composed into the broader plan of European thought. This is not just a simpple analitycal exercise. Article contains the suggestion, that the events, experiences and geopolitical configurations may exhibit amazing repeatability.
More...
Kurczewska explores how communities of local and national memory are formed. Working on the assumption that they are emotional communities, she diagnoses them from a socio-institutional perspective, drawing on numerous empirical studies on local communities and their basic collective agents, such as associations, clubs and other initiatives. She proposes that the years 1989-2015 (i.e. the Third Republic) saw the formation of communities of memory, which functioned on the meso level of Polish society. They shaped the content and forms of collective memory, becoming an essential social and cultural resource for Polish memory. Kurczewska points out that these communities are a necessary element to diagnose the national memory of Polish society as a complex structural entity. Last but not least, they are a factor in a ‘grassroots’ social and cultural interpretation on the level of the macrosociety of the state.
More...
Zaremba demonstrates how insurrections and revolts were commemorated in the 1970s, how those traditions were reproduced, and who remembered them. The article begins with a description of the events of December 1970, which would become important reference points for ideas on oppositional activism. Discussing the Poles’ collective memory of March 1968 and October 1956, Zaremba emphasizes the significance of World War II: a code of resistance and cooperation has emerged as a long-term consequence, resounding most clearly and most frequently in the myth of the Warsaw Uprising. The article concludes with a discussion of what Adam Mickiewicz called książki zbójeckie (robbers’ books) – a term Zaremba applies to writers such as Bohdan Cywiński, Andrzej Kijowski and Marian Brandys. They were robbers’ books because they altered the atmosphere of public life in the 1970s, reclaiming memories of political thought that had no official place in the Polish People’s Republic.
More...
The Łódź PPSY International Seminar Transitional Justice: Between Redemption and Retribution. Łódź (June 6, 2017), University of Łódź, Professor Czesław Mojsiewicz International Cooperation Fund and the Editorial Board of the Polish Political Science Yearbook.The Łódź PPSY International Seminar Transitional Justice: Between Redemption and Retribution was the first scientific event co-organized by the Chair of International Law and International Relations (Faculty of Law and Administration, University of Łódź), Research Centre of University of Łódź "The Balkans at the Turn of the 20th and the 21st Century", Professor Czesław Mojsiewicz International Cooperation Fund, Adam Marszałek Publishing House and the Editorial Board of the Polish Political Science Yearbook. The idea that stood behind the organization of the academic seminar was to analyse the current scientific and practical trends witnessed in a global discourse on transitional justice. Deliberations on post-violence efforts and all closely related topics, especially the issue of politics of memory, gathered in the Polish city of Łódź 20 researchers, coming from 7 Polish universities and 8 foreign academic centres. It is worth mentioning that participants of the seminar represented 9 different countries, such as Germany, the Netherlands, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, South Sudan, Ukraine, the United Kingdom and the United States.
More...
This article explores the emergence and spread of American cultural and information centers and libraries around the world. The analysis shows that they were one of the first initiatives of the emerging American public diplomacy at the turn of the 20th century, which became an effective tool for reaching out to the outside audience, with a view to enhance the understanding and acceptance of the policies of the United States during the Cold War. In the mid–1990s the US Congress reduced their funding in an attempt to reduce the federal spending abroad. The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and the worsening of USA’s appearance abroad, however, served as an indication that their closure was a mistake. In an attempt to remedy that mistake, the federal government has created a dense network of governmental and the so-called American partner spaces of different size and type, but united by the mission of attracting foreign audiences through the development of numerous information, educational and training programs.
More...
The contents of school texts play an important role in the education of every new generation, but if the information the schoolchildren are receiving is distorted by nationalist propaganda or is politically coloured, the books in question can perpetuate ethnic conflicts, limit familiarity with the values and thinking of the other side, and impede opportunities to construct a better, common future. An analysis of history texts published in Serbian that deal with the Kosovo issue reveals that both the past and present are being wrongly transmitted. From the time of its establishment in 1999, the UN administration worked closely with international agencies and made great strides in including and integrating all the minority communities in education. It is apparent that the education system in this part of the Balkans is veiled in strong nationalist colours that are impeding the integration of the Serbian community into the education system of Kosovo. This paper endeavours to show how Serbian history texts present the present and past of Kosovo and of the Albanians. It offers information about the role that school texts can play in integration and co-operation, and in the development of the Balkans. It also highlights the great differences that exist between various history textbooks. The divergence of information presented to young people is making it difficult for the peoples of the Balkans to integrate, to work together and to develop as a region.
More...
On 1 July 2013 Croatia became part of the European Union, but that happened nine years after Slovenia. The Croatian nationalism, flourishing in the 1990s was hostile to the very idea of united Europe. In 1991 – 1992 when a great part of the Croatian territory was under Serbian control, the Western countries supported and recognized the new state. But this positive image quickly changed after its participation in the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and especially after the military operation “Storm” in 1995, when around 300,000 Serbs were forced to leave the country. As a result, European politicians did not invite Croatia in 1997 to start negotiations for accession to the EU. In late 1990s the country was in complete international isolation. Tudjman was against every initiative for regional or European cooperation. Building its own independent state Croats were very suspicious to all mega-national projects and initiatives.
More...
Nebojša Popov, Larma i muk Konstantin Obradović, Kriza je okončana — šta dalje? Ljubiša Rajić, Sto godina Boutros Boutros-Ghali , Međunarodno pravo — iluzije i stvarnost Obrazovni nivo stanovništva i razvoj Dragoš Ivanović, Svi Miloševićevi blefovi Skupštine kao topli zec Vesna Pešić, Signali — nekada i sada Safet Bandžović, Medijska kampanja protiv Sandžaka Vlastimir Stevanović, Šticovanje straha Po ugledu na prošlost Ljudi važniji od para Ljubiša Rajić, Trag novca Rade Veljanovski, Organizovano i aktivno do cilja Šarena jaja i šarene laže Rade Veljanovski, Preživljavanje kao nepatriotski čin Jedinstvo i smrt Prvaci na žrtveniku Dušan Mojsin, Kad volem, volem... Programski dokumenti Maraton sa preponama Olivera Milosavljević, Kongres-izam Čudna asimetrija Slobodanka Jovanović, Pisac ratni plen Ekonomija nebeskog naroda Gabriela Pajević, "Privođenje" kulture "poslovniku" Mario Kopić, Postmoderna politika sredine Branko Milanović, Zašto sam počeo da pišem? Istvan Bibo, Hitlerizam i Versaj Slobodanka Milićević, Zajedno uprkos svemu Bogdan Bogdanović, Reviji "Danas", Povodom teksta pod naslovom "Nisam Srbin jer se stidim", objavljenog u tjedniku Danas, od 12. travnja 1994; str. 36-38 Akim Đilas, Nerealnost nacionalnih fanatika Mi® drag Stanisavljević, Kolaži laži
More...
The article aims to present in broad outlines and to make some remarks on the main aspects of the past and above all the present of the historical Bulgarian studies abroad or the study, teaching and popularizing of Bulgarian history abroad. Besides publications on the topic, the author has used the archival fund of the Center for Bulgarian Studies, which is stored in the Scientific Archive of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, information from websites and his personal observations. The stimulated and controlled upsurge of Bulgarian studies abroad during the period of socialism and its decline in the conditions of democratization is explained primarily by the direct connection between the Bulgarian state policy, on the one hand, and the Bulgarian studies, on the other. The topic of the historical Bulgarian studies abroad poses the question of the boundaries in the research on Bulgarian history. The boundaries imposed between the states by big politics, but also those established by the various professional and personal backgrounds and realizations of the historians, has resulted in a multitude of historical interpretations of the past. Therefore, the question of whether a history “without borders” is possible cannot get a positive answer. The common subjects and topics of research connect historians abroad and those in Bulgaria, and entail the need for their better mutual information and communication. The “external” viewpoints of the past sometimes confirm the “inner” ones, but in other cases they offer important correctives, such as: rethinking of the “closed” national visions of Bulgarian history; its more successful inclusion into the regional and world historical processes; enhancing the links of history with other sciences and the interdisciplinarity of research.
More...