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People who fled their countries of home voluntarily or forced have been described as refugee, migrant, and person with temporary protection in the countries hosting them. The challenges faced by these uprooted people seeking security have forced many countries to develop and formulate new migration, asylum, and refugee policies.
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Populist radical right oppositions to international migration from Islamic countries are argued to undergo a discursive change from ultranationalist and religious constructs to –misleadingly– liberal argumentations, claiming that European liberal democracy is under threat of migration (Brubaker, 2017, pp.1191-1226; Hafez, 2014, pp.479-499; Börzel & Risse, 2018, pp.83-108; Börzel, 2016, pp.8-31). The present study aims to demonstrate how these ‘liberal’ grounds for objecting migrations exist at European (supranational) level, and explores the conceptions of liberal democracy used by pan-European radical right in opposition to migrant and minority rights. Therefore it asks how mainstream populist radical right factions represented in the European Parliament debate migrant and minority rights and what conceptions of liberal democracy emerge within their debates. It orients this question to two plenary sessions held in the European Parliament, in the shadow of the EU’s refugee crisis, to discuss the situation of fundamental rights and terrorism in Europe. Recent refugee debates in the EP have the potential to shed light on this issue, as the way populist radical right parties reject the EU’s minority, migration, and asylum policies feature exclusionary conceptions degrading the substantial meaning of liberal democracy.
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Hostility towards migrants of non-European origin is a recurring subject in contemporary political space, especially among Western/developed states. In fact, the move towards stricter migration and border control in relation to some forms of migration has led authors to characterize such phenomena as a war on migration (Hyndman and Mountz, 2007) or a new ubiquity of borders (Balibar 2002). The crusade against irregular migration has particularly affected prospective asylum seekers who, fleeing from conflict and persecution in their countries of origin, attempt to reach safety and protection through unauthorized border crossings. The Australian border regime presents a paradigmatic case in this context of increasing hostility and control, having been described as “the most original yet retrograde means of repelling and excluding asylum seekers from its shores” (Hyndman and Mountz 2007, 83) and “the most fully developed policy regime that is oriented around control” (Johnson 2014, 67). This chapter focuses on the policies and practices of border/migration control that were/are employed in the context of the Pacific Solution (2001-2007) and Operation Sovereign Borders (OSB) (2013-present). The practices of control implemented during this period include interception and turnback of boats outside of territorial waters, forced return, detention and exclusion of parts of Australian territory from the migration zone (excision).
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Nepal is relatively a new entrant to global labour markets. Nevertheless, over the past few decades, a huge portion of its population has migrated abroad for employment, changing the image of Nepal from a country of “global warriors to global workers” (Rajauriya, 2015). In particular, the political change of 1990 that ushered Nepal into a multiparty democracy triggered the globalizing processes. Unlike during the King’s regime, obtaining passports became easier even for general people, affording them more agility and freedom to travel outside the country (Tiwari & Bhattarai, 2011). Further, the government formed after the 1992 elections embraced a policy of fast-paced economic liberalization, connecting Nepal with global economy and global labour markets (Labour Migration for Employment Report: 2014).
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On the night of the 15th March 2018, the neighbourhood of Lavapiés in Madrid was literally on fire. A burst of rage swelled the streets as the district became a battlefield. That night, Madrid was raising its voice for Mame Mbaye, a black African resident that died just few hours ago running from a police identity control. A migrant insurrection broke out against these racist controls that had been increasingly happening in the neighbourhood since Mame arrived fourteen years ago. This time it was Mame, but it could have been any of the migrants that were claiming justice that night. The night of the 15th March was an explosion of urban rage in which Madrid claimed not to be a border anymore. In a later interview, Mame’s friend Serigne stated: “In Madrid you live with fear. Every morning we joke and say each other: ‘Have a good breakfast because you never know if you will ever be back home for lunch”.
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Most Iraqis and scholars on Iraq do not know that Baghdad has significant importance for the Sikh religion. Until 2003, Baghdad had a gurdwara (Sikh place of worship); some evidence exists of a historic Sikh community in Iraq. This article explores both the history of the Gurdwara of Baghdad and the Sikhs who lived in Iraq, and also the activities of Sikh humanitarian organizations in contemporary Iraq.
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Excluding the Armenians and some small groups of converts , the Iraqi Christians are the indigenous people of Iraq. Their roots go back thousands of years before Christianity in the lands of Mesopotamia. In other words, I believe the Iraqi Christians are the true native people of Iraq, being descendants of the ancient Assyrians and Babylonians. The Aramaic-speaking Christians (Assyrians, Chaldeans, Chaldo-Assyrians) are not a new Christian community ‘evangelised’ by western missionaries, as is the case in many African and East Asian Christian communities.
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Armenians have been living in Mesopotamia – modern Iraq – from times immemorial. According to Herodotus, the Hellenic father of history, Armenians used to travel, long before the Christian era, from Armenia to Nineveh and Babylon over the Euphrates and Tigris rivers, importing, by means of round rafts, Armenian wines, dried fruits, fine horses, wheat, nuts and many other products. Historical accounts indicate that Tigranes the Great (king of Armenia during the Artaxiad dynasty from 190 BC to AD 12) defeated enemy armies of several countries, who endangered Armenia’s security. Amongst these countries, he subdued Adiabene (Mosul) in 83 BC, which allowed Armenians to travel from the Armenian highlands to Mesopotamia, reaching as far as Basra and further down the Persian Gulf to the Far East.
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No religious minorities in Iraq was more affected by the violence of the so-called ‘Islamic State’ (ISIS) than the Yazidis (sometimes spelled Yezidis or Êzîdî in Kurmancî) who suffered genocidal attacks by the jihadis in August 2014. However, the jihadist groups in August 2007 and in August 2014 were not the first to attack the Yazidis. For centuries they suffered under resentments and perennial violence by Muslims who accused them of ‘devil worshipping’- a well-cultivated misunderstanding of their ancient religion.
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The Kakai, also called Yārsan or Ahl-e Haqq, follow a religion that emerged thousands of years ago. Their monotheist religion has four principles: Pāki, Rīsti, Nīsti, and Radā. Kakai speak a distinct language called ‘Macho’, a Gūrani Kurdish dialect, and are famous for agriculture and shepherding. They show a strong passion for playing music, because music is an essential part of their religion and rituals. Originally, Kakai believe in Doon-a-Doon (life after death), where a soul passes 1,000 Doon within 50,000 years, and continuously moves from one body to another until it reaches perfection. They also believe that God manifested himself in different souls, such as Ali (the first Shia Imam) and Shah Khoshin, before embodying himself in the form of Sultan Sahak, the founder of the Kakai religion. Kakai also believe that after 1001 transmigrations, the soul comes back to an everlasting home, and everything becomes part of God . In every period, someone had a sense of God, and each period was called the ‘period of Yār’.
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Sığınmacı ve göçmenlerle sosyal hizmet konusu genellikle kuramsal temellerden yoksun bir müdahale anlayışı ile ele alınmaktadır. Sosyal bilimlerin göçün nedenlerini ve sonuçlarını anlamaya ve göç sürecini şekillendiren ağların ve ulusaşırı toplumsal alanların nasıl inşa edildiğini açıklamaya dönük çabasının sosyal hizmette kuramsal bir karşılığı genellikle yoktur. Sosyal hizmet daha çok sığınmacı ve göçmenlerle çalışmada beceri odaklı bir perspektife sahip görünmektedir ancak müdahale ve beceri odaklı uygulama son çözümlemede kuramsal bir arka plana yaslanmak zorundadır. Sosyal hizmetin uygulamaya olan aşırı vurgusu ve uygulamadan doğan bilgi ve veriyi yeterince teorize edememiş ve düşünümsel bir alan yaratamamış olması göç ve sosyal hizmetin kuramsal temellerine dair etraflı bir çalışmayı mümkün kılmamaktadır. Bu bölümde sığınmacı ve göçmenlere dönük sosyal hizmet uygulamalarının kuramsal arka planı ve temellerine girizgâh niteliğinde bir tartışma yapılmaya çalışılmıştır.
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This paper aims to disclose the consequences that the system designed by the Catalonian agricultural union “Unió de Pagesos” to recruit, import and distribute foreign labor produces, a subject deprived of its liberties and fundamental rights. Once the model of family farming was substituted by an industrial agricultural system of production, the agricultural union, with the consent of the State, reinvented itself as a provider of services related with the acquisition of manpower through this system - as we designate the set of practices that materialize the recruitment of foreign workers abroad and their concentration is lodgments controlled by the Union. The State’s migration polity is responsible of the emergence of such a system, and we can trace its origin in the symbiotic relation between the State and the union, whose intereststhe social control of the foreign worker and the just in time delivery of labor- are harmonized in it.
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The 2015 “migration crisis” has stimulated the European political imagination with an image of migration and border control as based on a mixture of humanitarianism and security. Indeed, the European borders and migratory routes have been increasingly framed in the media and political debates as the sites of a humanitarian and security emergency (see Dekker & Scholten, 2017; Greussing & Boomgaarden, 2017; Ibrahim & Howarth, 2017). The accounts of children dying in the Mediterranean have been reproduced together with images of uncontrollable crowds gathering at the borders, and again with overburdened reception centres with deplorable humanitarian conditions (see BBC, 2018; The Guardian, 2018; Reuters, 2018). All these framings have been (re)merging in the public debate, building a sense of humanitarian crisis, but also insecurity and uncertainty regarding the most suitable course of action at the European level. Regardless the European Union’s (EU) attempts to respond to the increased migratory flows, the humanitarian situation has been getting more severe, generating a political momentum for mobilization of more decisive, security-oriented and even militarized measures in dealing with the crisis. Consequently, the EU has decided to increase its operational and military presence in the Mediterranean with Frontexled Joint Operations (JO) (i.e. Triton, Poseidon and Themis) and Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) naval mission (i.e. EUNAVFOR MED Sophia), explicitly framing the mobilization of security capabilities as search and rescue and “live saving” operations.
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In 2015 and 2016, Germany faced an influx of asylum seekers on an unprecedented scale. How did the country react to this so-called “refugee crisis”? The response was a major effort at all levels of the federal state: the federal level, the Länder, the local authorities, but also civil society, welfare associations and NGOs. There have been countless measures in the most diverse fields of action (Grote, 2018). This article will specifically deal with the question of how and which legislative and administrative changes were put in place at the federal level in order to better manage the changing influx.
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La política migratoria que surgió a partir de la culminación de manera unilateral del Programa Bracero, propició nuevas ideologías antiinmigrante y con ello, nuevas reformas políticas por las que se vieron respaldadas; dicha política se agudizó con la construcción del muro fronterizo, el poder que se otorgó a la Patrulla Fronteriza y las interminables leyes estatales en contra de la población inmigrante. Estas leyes abarcaban temas respecto al trabajo, educación y seguridad social, que contribuyen al crecimiento del conservadurismo blanco estadounidense. Como consecuencia del flujo constante de inmigrantes mexicanos en Estados Unidos, en especial los irregulares, los lineamientos migratorios se tornan hacia el nacionalismo xenofóbico.
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Turkey has developed into the sending, transiting and receiving position in regard of migration throughout the republic’s history. These characteristics have differed from time to time depending on the global migration trends. In the early period of the republic, ethnic concerns became the main influence of the policies. Like the other contemporary nation states, Turkey used migration as an instrument of “homogenization” and building the nation-state (Kirişçi, 2007; Erder, 2007, p:6). İskan Kanunu (settlement law), issued in 1934, is important to show a typical policy of the early period. Turkey maintained the iskân kanunu and was in force until recently. The iskan kanunu deteremined that only the Turks or people of Turkic origins including the Muslims coming from the ex-territories of the Ottoman Empire were accepted as an “immigrant” (İçduygu, 2007, p: 206).
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Since the outbreak of the Syrian Civil War in the spring of 2011, the number of Syrian nationals seeking refuge within the borders of Turkey has surged, and the recent intensified threat of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has only caused the number of Syrians fleeing to Turkey for safety to rise further. Today, Turkey hosts more Syrians than any other country in the world; according to official United Nations Refugee Association (UNHCR) registration statistics as of April 10, 2015, there are 1,758,092 registered Syrians in Turkey (UNHCR 2015) although estimates among academics, representatives from non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and others predict the actual number of Syrians in the country as closer to 2.5 million. However, the legal status of Syrians in Turkey is unique. Not legally recognized as refugees due to Turkey’s historic and current migration policies, Syrians in Turkey are considered as ‘guests’ in the country and remain here under the legal status of temporary protection. Although this status provides for many basic rights - including shelter, food, education, medical support and the possibility of employment - Syrians often remain uninformed of and unable to access their rights-based provisions. Additionally, as the governmental and societal discourse of ‘guests’ suggests, Syrians are expected to be ‘hosted’ by the Turkish government and society and subsequently return home. Although governmental policy and many Turkish humanitarian aid-based NGOs continue to convey this discourse of Syrians as ‘guests’ under temporary protection, Turkish society is becoming tense - the Syrian ‘guests’ have overstayed their welcome.
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France has among the European countries one of the longest tradition of receiving immigrants (Freeman, 1994) and was considered for long time as one of the model countries of incorporation of immigrants. France has represented the model called “assimilation”, i.e. the attitude that gives to immigrants all the civic rights very quickly, but in exchange it’s expected that they will give up their cultural particularities and that they will in some sort “forget” from where they come (Seidlová, 2008).
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The fairly sizable Kurdish community in Western Europe, particularly in Germany, has been a focus of scholarly interest for some time now. But Kurds are also present in other parts of Europe, where they have received much less attention. One such community has settled in the Czech Republic. Small in size, it has nevertheless taken an organized approach to promoting its interests in the public sphere and is connected, to some extent, with the broader diaspora of Kurdish nationals in other countries, and with the homeland(s). Particularly in recent decades, globalization and its attendant phenomena have made it easier to pursue domestic politics while abroad. Before the 1989 revolution, the former Czechoslovakia (CSSR) supported various Middle Eastern associations - some terrorist in nature - whose members often resided in Czechoslovakia. Many Middle Eastern communities became established, as well, including the Kurdish community
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Türkiye kuruluşundan bugüne önemli ölçüde iç ve dış göç deneyimi yaşayan bir ülkedir. Geçmişte Türkiye açısından en büyük dış göç dalgaları olarak, özellikle Balkanlardan (Yunanistan, Bulgaristan ve Bosna gibi) Türkiye’ye gelen göçmenler ve Türkiye’den Avrupa ülkelerine yönelen işçi göçü ifade edilebilir. Dolayısıyla, dış göç çerçevesinde ülke farklı dönemlerde hem dış göç alan, hem de dış göç veren bir konumundadır. Ancak özellikle 1990’lı yıllardan itibaren küresel ve bölgesel gelişmeler bağlamında Türkiye’nin daha çok dış göç alan bir ülke haline geldiği dikkati çekmektedir. Bu süreçte ayrıca göçmenler ve mülteciler için Türkiye’nin güney-kuzey ve doğu-batı ekseninde transit geçiş ülkesi olma konumunun da giderek belirginleştiği görülmektedir.
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