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In this paper we investigate several aspects of the contemporary immigration in post-Soviet Georgia by analyzing some recent trends related to the migration phenomena in the country. Our results are based on an extensive field work with two main groups – one, with skilled foreign immigrants in Georgia, and the other, with return Georgian emigrants, both covering all of the country’s territory. Finally, we discuss the return migration and the existing programs of voluntary return between Georgia and other countries, as well as the opportunities for professional realization in the country of the Georgian returnees and the foreign immigrants.
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Bosnia’s Serb entity could find itself on the verge of rejecting Serb responsibility for the 1995 massacre at Srebrenica.
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Ruling widens rift over Warsaw’s moves to increase control over a judiciary it claims is in dire need of a purge.
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The article is concerned with the migration crisis as one of the main problems of the foreign policy and security of the European Union. The authors indicate the influence of the crisis on the EU’s external and internal matters. A thesis about the lack of preparation to the migration problem is formed, as far as both the EU and member countries are concerned. The part of the analysis also tackles the relations with Turkey and the agreement which was signed in order to limit the migration crisis.
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Article is focused on the theme of Internet memes from the perspective of memetics. The main purpose of the article is an attempt to recreating the visual-textual narrative of the Ukraine–Russian conflict in social media: Facebook and Vkontakte. The reflections showed that the activity of transmitters allows for the definition two ways of transmitting and multiplying memes. The first method is a single meme expression without developing threads, and the second one consists in creating an extensive sequence of memes. The analysis of the content of the memes made it possible to determine two basic mechanisms for the strengthening images of the parties of the global conflict. The first — strengthening the positive image of Russia (the accreditation role of the inspector in propaganda activities) and the second – a strategy to strengthen the negative image of Ukraine (the role of the opponent's discrediting opponent).
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This paper is devoted to the Ukrainian Revolution of Dignity, also known as Euromaidan, and Russian aggression in Ukraine. The subject of the research are Polish-Ukrainian relations after 1991, the Polish perception of the eastern neighbour and the reception of events related to the latest Ukrainian social protest as well as Russian aggression by Polish public opinion, Polish academic communities and Polish journalists. This work focuses only on book publishing and deliberately omits press publications.The paper pointed out that since the moment of independence in Ukraine in 1991, the interest in the Ukrainian issue has been constantly growing in Poland, with a significant increase in attention observed since 2004, namely since the Orange Revolution. Euro 2012 and events related to Euromaidan from 2013 also influenced Polish public opinion.On the basis of the analysed material it was found that the authors of Polish texts devoted to this issue are well versed in the complexities of Ukrainian internal politics and Ukrainian history. In their numerous texts, they paid particular attention to the complicated Ukrainian-Russian relations, patronizing treatment of Ukraine by the “elder brother” and Russian ruthlessness towards the “brotherly nation”. Among the described problems there is also the issue of oligarchisation of the Ukrainian economy, widespread corruption and inefficiency of subsequent governmental teams. Above all, however, the fact of ending the process of forming a civic society in Ukraine and the increase of national consciousness and unambiguous condemnation of the “hybrid war”, unlawful annexation of Crimea or aggression in Donbass are emphasized.
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The paper aims to provide an alternative viewpoint of the Catalan independence referendum of 1 October 2017. There appears to be a prevalent interpretation within the political discourse that Catalan independence is a) an internal matter of Spain; b) an unconstitutional endeavour; and c) a process that would ultimately lead Catalonia out of the European Union. The analysis concludes that the excessive use of police violence and the incarceration of democratically elected politicians, as well as of civil society leaders, constitute grave violations of fundamental human rights and civil liberties that fall in the scope of international cooperation. On the issue of constitutional legitimacy, it is clear that the referendum confers democratic legitimacy on the secession initiative, which has to be recognised and properly addressed by the Spanish central government. This is a prerequisite for a reconciliatory dialogue between two legitimate parties and two legitimate constitutional interests. Finally, on the question of Catalonia’s relation with the EU, the analysis suggests that instead of a new accession process supported by many international office holders, it would be more plausible to renegotiate membership terms in the framework of a continued membership of Catalonia in the EU.
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The paper sought to show the place of Polish scientific and technical staff in the life of the North-African Arabian countries, and their role in the formation of political relations between Poland and the Arabian world after World War Two. Political transformations that took place in Poland in the period of 1944-1948 generally affected the international relations of Poland. The paper proves that specialists migrated to the North-African coast from the Polish territories that took shape due to the decisions of the allied empires at the three peace conferences from the years 1943-1945. Therefore the publication does not show the role of Poles in the life of Arabian societies, the Poles who arrive in North Africa from the third countries. Polish-Arabian political and economic relations could then be based on scientific and technical staff selected by the centres of foreign trade with their diplomatic posts all over the country.Polish scientific and technical staff were employed in the countries of the Third World by virtue of job contract between a Polish or local employer. In the case of large industrial or building investments specialists were sent to work on collective contracts by special foreign trade companies. The most important here are BUDIMEX, DROMEX, ELEKTRIM, KOPEX, POLIMEX-CEKOP and Polservice. The latter was the main institution in the country that employed Polish specialists on individual contracts. Apart from the above there were a dozen or so enterprises entitled to conduct this activity. At the turn of the 1970s and 1980s in the countries of the Third World ca. 19.000 Poles worked, out of whom more than 90 per cent worked in Libyan and Iraq. In the remaining North-African countries worked, on the average, several hundred people.The trade between Poland and the countries of North Africa was based in that period generally on bilateral contracts. As regards settlement, clearing was applied, a worse form of payment for the Polish party. It is only with Libya that free foreign-exchange settlement was used throughout that period. This form of economic contacts cased a break-down of cooperation in the 1980s, especially after 1989.Of all countries of the Third World, North Africa was the most important partner for Poland in trade. It constituted ca. 25 per cent of total turnover. Now in contacts with Africa they made as much as 80 per cent of total turnover. In the beginning of the 1970s Egypt received 40 per cent of the whole trade exchange between Poland and African countries, and almost 50 per cent with African Arabian countries. In total, in the second half of the twentieth century there were 120.000 and 150.000 Polish specialists and their families in North African countries. Only in the case of Libya did the amount of the transfer of the means of payment to the country reached 1 billion American dollars. The migration of scientific and technical staff was very important for the organization of the Polish-Arabian political and economical relations.
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This paper tries to analyze the “languages” of one of the most important speeches held by Sali Berisha, in “Bashkimi” newspaper, in 1990. The analysis will be divided in two main parts; 1- old language- referring to the language used by the leadership during communism and that is similar with the concept of newspeak, elaborated by Orwell, or “ the totalitarian Albania, elaborated by Ardian Vehbiu; 2- “new language” – or the western language that brought to use new words such as pluralism, democracy, human rights, private property etc.; 3- “ technical or scientific language”, words that have to do with the profession of the speaker, in this case, medicine and last but not least 4- “ the ideological/ political language, terms referring to the left or the right wing. The aim of the paper is to create a dictionary of words and after a quantitative analysis to define which language is more important than others in the discourse of Dr. Sali Berisha.
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Since the collapse of communism, political radicalism has been an important part of the political scene in Europe. The 2008 financial crisis furthered this trend, giving rise to new waves of radicalization. Albania appears to be a curious exception to this trend. Unlike most other countries in Eastern Europe there have been no successful radical parties in Albania since the collapse of communism in 1991. In the same fashion, social protests in Albania in recent years have been fleeting and far less radical than other protest movements in other countries in the region (Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey). This article argues that the relative lack of political radicalization in Albania is due to its traumatic communist past combined with a high level of bipolarization. The bitter experience with national communism reduced the attractiveness of both far right and far left discourses in Albania. The high levels of political bipolarization, on the other hand, divided the Albanian political sphere into two antagonistic camps. Such a deep division subsumed other possible cleavages.
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Një debat që përsëritet prej vitesh në Shqipëri gjatë periudhave zgjedhore ka të bëjë me “amerikanizimin” e fushatave elektorale. Spotet elektorale po fokusohen tek individet duke lene ne hije identitetin e partive politike. Ky studim analizon rolin e teknikave te marketingut politik gjate zgjedhjeve te 2013-es. Te dhenat tregojne qarte per tendenca te qarta personalizimi, qendërzim te medias, reklamat negative fokusohen kryesisht në sulmin ndaj individit dhe jo tek debatet ceshtje te caktuara. Spotet synojnë të bëjnë të kënaqur votues që përfaqësojnë një grupe te ngushta interesi, karakteristike tipike e “shkencezimit” apo “amerikanizimit” te fushatave elektorale.
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This article aims to analyse the political party system in Albania ,focusing mainly in the role of ‘new parties’ in the performance of it. The paper will analyse the theoretical concept on ‘new parties’ and the environment in which they operate. Their presence shall be seen in the light of theoretical concepts like the ability to ‘blackmail’ the system or the coalition potential . The article will later on focus on two case studies like Socialist Movement for Integration (LSI) and Justice, Integration and Unity Party (PDIU) which entered in the government in 2009.
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The aim of this paper is to analyze and explain the interaction of Albanian political parties with another important elements of democracy such as civil society organizations. The study argues that civil society organizations have been used by political parties for increasing their legitimacy of their actions and performance, in the eyes of the electorate and the wider public. Civil society organizations, in specific moments, have provided political parties with candidates and have helped them in regenerating and ‘cleaning’ the political staff. In the medium term, this trend has brought a slow loss of image of civil society organizations and their study products and activities in the community. The study applies some main theoretical works to the Albanian case and it is also based on the events of last political elections of 2009.
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The least studied concept in social sciences in Albania is, perhaps, that of “civil society”. The main reason seems to be not only a tradition of poor organization of civil society in our country, but the lack of a consolidated school in sociology and political science in Albania. In fact, the concept of “civil society” dates back much earlier, but it has been modified and refined as a result of various treatments in different periods and contexts. Civil Society resurfaced as an important concept in Central and Eastern Europe after 1990 and it emerged as a social sphere independent of the state and against political authority. In this paper I try to argue that Albanian society has generally showed a problematic relationship between political elites and the state, on the one hand, and civil society, on the other. This paper poses a problematic combination of the very concept of civil society with some classical and contemporary theoretical treatments of it. Furthermore, this is combined with empirical findings in the Albanian context in its analysis on the development of this concept since 1990. At the conclusion of the paper I briefly try to formulate some conclusions and recommendations, which underscore the need to improve the performance, role and scope of activities of civil society, in view of establishing a more just and a more natural collaboration between the civil and the political.
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Nëpërmjet shqyrtimit të rastit Edi Rama, kryetar i Bashkisë së Tiranës dhe kryetar i Partisë Socialiste, si i pari ‘mediakrat’ i mirëfilltë, i cili ka shpërfaqur politikën e stilit në mediat paskomuniste shqiptare, artikulli synon të analizojë rolin e mediave sa u përket dukurive të personalizimit dhe të mediatizimit të politikës në kontekstin special të një demokracie të re. Ky artikull do të argumentojë rolin domethënës të mediave në farkëtimin e ngritjes politike të Ramës dhe në konsolidimin e staturës së tij në arenën politike shqiptare. Ta interpretosh pushtetin e tij nën këtë perspektivë drite, do të thotë, gjithashtu, të kërkosh strategjitë dhe taktikat në hije që Rama ka përdorur për ta marketuar veten si startë politikës dhe, në mënyrë kontradiktore, si figurë politike mbi partitë politike. Kjo do të thotë që mediatizimi dhe personalizimi i politikës si procese të brendësuara në modelin etij, sugjerojnëjothjesht dhe vetëm daljen e mediave nërolin e aktorit politik duke përzgjedhur ‘kandidatin e tyre’ jashtë spektrit tradicional politik, por edhe përdorimin e ndërgjegjshëm të kanaleve mediatike prej Ramës për të kapërcyer strukturat politike.
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Review of: Belina Budini (2009), "Edi Rama politikani pop(ulist)-star"; Tiranë: UET-Press. by: Artan Fuga
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The relative economic backwardness of Austria-Hungary in comparison with the western industrial countries and the inner economical structural crises were the reasons for its concentration of commercial and transport policy towards Southeast Europe. Since the Congress of Berlin in 1878 Austria-Hungary competed with Italy for the control over the sea and overland routes to secure the commercial and strategic hegemony in the western Balkans. In this context the Albanian territories had a crucial importance. The means to reach this aim were the shipping line “Lloyd”, the trade by the port of Triest, the agitation of the Austrian “Albania-committee”, assisted by the foreign ministry, and the hostel for Albanian students in Vienna, aided by the ministries of foreign affairs and commerce. Austria-Hungary played an important role for the independence of Albania, but it also aimed to have a growing political, cultural and economical influence in the little country in its southern periphery through an informal imperialism based on structural violence.
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Teorikisht gratë në zonat rurale përbëjnë më shumë se 25 % të elektoratit shqiptar. Praktikisht ky grup është inekzistent në hapësirën publike dhe për pasojë i padukshëm në procesin politik. Për një sërë arësyesh, që variojnë nga struktura patriarkale e shoqërisë shqiptare deri tek pasojat e tranzicionit, gratë në zonat rurale lcanë pakose aspak zë dhejanë të papërfaqësuaranëprocesin politik. Në hapësirën e ngushtë publike në zonat rurale vendimet politike merren nga meshkujt, ndërsa gratë janë të ngërthyera në intensitetin e jetës private duke humbur kështu çdo dimension publik dhe politik. Gratë e fshatit, të rikthyera në jetën shtëpiake pas rënies së regjimit komunist, për shkaqe si privatizimi i tokës, papunësia, heqja e kontributit vullnetar dhe aktivizimi i detyruar politik e shoqëror, e kanë pakësuar pjesëmarrjen e tyre politike deri në atë pikë sa të bëhen apatike dhe të konsiderohen si të parëndësishme për t’u adresuar nga partitë politike e polilikanët në nivelet e ndryshme të vendimmarrjes, duke u bërë ine pak fjalë të padukshme për ta. Një situatë e tillc është e papranueshme dhe tregon se procesi i demokratizimit është i papërfunduar dhe përsa kohë grupe të caktuara qytetarësh do të mbeten të paangazhuar politikisht e për rrjedhojë të papërfaqësuar, nuk mund të flasim për një rend demokratik në Shqipëri.
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Ky punim shtjellon argumentet për rrugëtimin e Kosovës drejt pavarësisë si një rast unik, që rrjedhimisht i jep tagër Kosovës për t’u pavarësuar pa e cenuar të drejtën ndërkombëtare. Në këtë drejtim, punimi prezanton një sërë argumentesh si nga dinamika politike e veçantë që solli Kosovën deri në gjendjen e saj të sotme, e drejta ligjore dhe morale e saj si ish-njësi federale për t’u ndarë nga ish-Jugosllavia, tentimi i gjenocidit dhe trajtimi i vazhdueshëm brutal i shumicës shqiptare gjatë dekadave. Në këtë punim mbarështrohen një seri të veçorive që e dallojnë pretendimin e Kosovës për pavarësi karshi entiteteve të tjera, të cilat mund të kërkojnë pavarësi, duke e bërë atë një rast të paprecedentë.
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