Around the bloc: More Physical, Legal Barriers for Migrants
Migrants clashed with police on Macedonia’s southern border over the weekend.
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Migrants clashed with police on Macedonia’s southern border over the weekend.
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Last week the Czech Republic witnessed the emergence of Bohuslav Sobotka as a major new political player.
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Investigation into hundreds of civilian deaths during uprising was declared classified last year before any trials began.
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Bulgarian media are reporting suspension of readmission agreement, but Turkish Embassy denies major change.
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The specter of the UK's departure – and a possible jolt to their economies and remittance payments – is haunting.
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This paper regards the urban street as social space, where different symbolic interactions occur between individuals and groups of people. The established social and political order within this space happens to be disturbed by different forms of protest. An article attempts to compare the course of riots in former times to those at present. The comparison implies that the functional grandness of the urban street belongs to the past. This is mainly caused by new legal regulations restricting freedom of assembly and the new tele-electronic media space, and by a deepening division of the Polish society into different groups of interest, and its consequent inability to consolidate. An indirect cause also is the new order and mentality developed in democratic societies and by a consumeristic lifestyle.
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The article traces the main points of the diplomatic activity of Marko D. Balabanov in the first years of the Principality of Bulgaria (1879–1885). Growing up as a writer, public figure and politician in the period before the Liberation, Balabanov occupied leading positions in the Interim Russian Government (1877–1879) and played a significant role in the work of the Constituent Assembly in Veliko Tarnovo. There he participated actively in the debates on the issue of reunification of the Bulgarian nation divided by the Berlin agreement. When the first Bulgarian government was formed Balabanov was given the post of foreign minister and as such he worked hard to lay the foundations of a new Bulgarian diplomacy. After the fall of the conservative government, he was appointed envoy in Istanbul where he vigorously acted in defense of the Bulgarian national interests and contributed to raising the international prestige of the country. The regime of credentials (1881–1883) interrupted his diplomatic career, but in the second government of Dragan Tsankov (1883–1884) we see him again in the position of Bulgarian Foreign Minister. In those years he contributed in solving all the major foreign policy issues and contributed to the rise and consolidation of the authority of the Bulgarian state on the international arena. Facts and events in the life of Balabanov which are presented in the study give grounds to assert that he played a noticeable and even at times a leading role in the construction of the Bulgarian foreign policy in the period.
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Memories of President Zhelyu Zhelev about Academician Dimitar Kossev
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The article focusses on Jan Lechoń’s political views after he emigrated to New York. These opinions could be found in literary works, as well as in letters and the Journal. The most important elements of political views of the author of Silver and black were: blatant anticommunism, critical assessment of the Polish emigration government, openly expressed admiration for America and nostalgia towards the interbellum (idealizing Józef Piłsudski). His views had a significant influence on his personal life, as exemplified by his politically motivated ending of his long-lasting friendship with Julian Tuwim. One of the most important issues is where to classify Lechoń’s often expressed opposition towards the political changes in Poland among the reasons for his suicide.
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After the Second World War, The Federal Republic of Germany gradually began to transform exile in the country of immigration. The formal recognition of Germany as a country of immigration for many years was regarded as a taboo, and both the political and public debate spared this issue. Until recently, Germany’s policy on immigrants was based on an outdated concept of Gastarbeiter system, which had two fundamental assumptions, namely that immigrants are a temporary phenomenon, and their presence is associated only with the labor market. During their stay in Germany, they were entitled to social rights, but it was not required from them to integrate with the host society, because it could interfere with the process of returning to their homeland. The beginning of the new millennium, however, brought a lot of changes. Revolutionaary new provisions has been introduced to the naturalization law, emphasis has been given to integration programs, a system of green cards has been created and many other complex actions has been taken. After some time, Germany realize that they are the country of immigration, and will have to cope with the challenges posed by the fact.
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By analyzing the political career of Bruce Springsteen’s album “Born in the U.S.A.” (1984), around which the narrative of this article took place, I tried to make a closer insight to the relation between the American politics and popular culture in the mid-1980, considered as the essential aim of this article. Main attention was put on various attempts taken by Ronald Reagan’s administration to co-opt the album’s pop cultural significance for political purposes, especially to reinforce the so called “conservative evolution” perceived as right-wing, libertarian response to the hippie movement. Bruce Springsteen, who through his hard and consistent work achieved enormous success while still remaining himself, a fellow boy from New Jersey, was presented as a role model for the yuppie generation. The title track was read as an anthem for the new American patriotism. This particular interpretation proved to be wrong. In fact, the album’s essential motif is the widening gap between Reagan’s reinterpretation of the American Dream and disappointing reality. However, it did not prevent the Republicans from winning the 1984 election and general misunderstanding of its message.
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Decrepit old structures must go, but plans for their replacements are classified, official claims.
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For several months in 2013-2014, thousands of Ukrainians and Bulgarians participated in anti-government protests. However, the outcomes could not be more different. The Bulgarian government politically survived #DANSwithme, while Euromaidan precipitated President Yanukovych’s fl ight from Ukraine in late February 2014. Why did #DANSwithme gradually dissipate, while Euromaidan escalated into the worst episode of political violence since Ukraine’s independence? We know that medium levels of repression applied inconsistently during protests can lead to radicalization and violence. But we do not know whether the judiciary’s behaviour before and during the protests could affect the likelihood of an escalation towards violence. This article proposes a complementary explanation of protest radicalization, which posits that recent, unambiguous, and effective use of a pliable judiciary by political incumbents to punish and undermine the opposition raises the odds that both sides will engage in violence. Politicized selective justice raises the stakes ofvictory both for the government and for the protesters, and reduces the possibility of a compromise. In Bulgaria, where the judiciary, albeit politicized, has not been effectively used to undermine political opponents, protesters perceived the government’s attempts to engage in legal persecution as a hassle and the chances of imprisonment as remote. Neither should the Oresharski government have expected to be prosecuted in the event of losing offi ce. In Ukraine, by contrast, the judiciary had a clear recent track record of politicized selective justice both against protest participants and high-level politicians. Former PM Yuliya Tymoshenko and another Orange Revolution main actor and former minister of interior, Yuriy Lutsenko, served lengthy prison sentences. Consequently, both the leaders of the opposition and Yanukovych and his coterie probably expected that imprisonment would be inevitable if they did not come out as winners of the Euromaidan standoff.
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To understand Chinese tradition, it is necessary to clarify the creative process of change as a category of interaction between complementary opposites. In the absence of Western dualistic concept, China has developed a correlative way of thinking about the world. This conception plays an important role in the consideration of the legal culture of China. Unfortunately, often the basis for the analysis of Chinese tradition, culture, and politics lacks this correlative Chinese thinking. Correlative way of thinking based on continuity through change formed not only Chinese philosophy, but also is still forming Chinese reality.
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The reform of Chinese banking system was undertaken by Deng Xiaoping in 1978. During this structural change, the central bank of the People’s Republic of China departed the ministry and became a separate entity. The People’s Bank of China was formally established as the central bank in 1983 by the State Council. As a result of the reforms of Deng Xiaoping China underwent a change of monobank system to two-tier banking system. Moreover, the function of the People’s Bank of China as a central bank was formally confirmed in 1995 when the third Plenum of the National People’s Congress adopted The Law of the People’s Republic of China on the People’s Bank of China. The China Banking Regulatory Commission (CBRC) is the supervisor of the financial institutions in the People’s Republic of China. The central government established this institution in March 2003. The State Council is the leadership of the CBRC. The main functions of the China Banking Regulatory Commission is the formulation of supervisory rules and regulations concerning the Chinese banking institutions, the authorization of the establishment, changes of the financial institutions and also the compilation and publishing of the statistics and reports of the banking industry.
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The author analyzes four key factors of the state built upon principles of the Latin civilization; these factors include morality (the uprightness of citizens), science, production and army. He accentuates that all the actions based on revolutionary methods and assumptions must be removed from the social life of Europe and Poland because of their harmfulness and dangerous practices. Politics, when realized according to the above-selected principles, allows recovering and strengthening the pillars of Western culture. These pillars include: A) Family based on the undissolvable and unsolicited marriage of a man and a woman, which fosters love between them and for all the others, which enables the actual equality of a man and a woman in their rights and duties, which founds private property and the opportunity of getting matured during the lifetime of parents. B) The administration of justice in all areas of human life through the public authority which while giving back what is due to each other contributes in establishing a genuine interpersonal peace along with its various fruits. C) The respect for human work which enables an essential development of any human goods, as well as the eradication of any form of slavery. D) The independence of religious life from political and temporal factors, which ultimately serves the priority of the human spirit over all the finite and the means for human life.
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Yalta-Potsdam system emerged from World War II turned Poland into the orbit of the Soviet Union. It was economically dependent (CMEA) and the military-political (the Warsaw Pact) from the eastern neighbor. Taken attempts too independent to strengthen Polish security (Rapacki Plan, Gomulka Plan, Polish-German Agreement of December 1970) ended in failure. Martial law in 1981, the international isolation deepened in Polish and also became addicted to from Moscow. Moving away from confrontation between East and West at the end of the years 80. resulted in the signing of the border treaty with Germany (1990) and the reorientation of the Polish on the cooperation with the Western World.
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The paper discusses basic income in the context of feminist political ecology using the concepts of reproductive labour, both performed by people and by nature. In the first part we will elaborate on the Wages for Housework campaign as a forerunner of the idea of basic income. This campaign inscribed the concept of income into an intersectional relation between patriarchy and capitalism which was a key element of its revolutionary dimension. In the second part we analyse three different social struggles in order to create a ground for further reflections over the legitimacy of such tools (and resolutions) such as basic income. On the one hand the paper highlights some elements of the crisis of social reproduction, brought about and further deepened by neoliberal reforms in Poland over the past 25 years. On the other hand, it alludes to the issues of ecological crisis which needs to be taken into account in every anti-capitalist theory or strategy. Thus, the article aims to investigate as to whether the wage demands for both reproductive and productive labour are still relevant in the era of neoliberal capitalism.
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After embracing his Jewish heritage, former far-right party leader is focused on fighting anti-Semitism.
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Albanians and Romanians represent the second and first immigrant group in Italy. Both groups have been subjected to phenomena of xenophobia during the 1990s and 2000s, respectively. The research project, to which this paper refers, explores the social relationships between Albanians, Italians and Romanians, focusing on mixed partnerships/marriages within a context of integration, which is interpreted as a way of boundary-making and through the perspective of mixedness. In particular, this paper tries to organise quantitative data retrieved from official sources and qualitative inputs drawn from the reference literature, through the framework proposed by Kalmijn (1998)1, who has specifically approached intermarriage as a combination of structural constraints, personal preferences and third party interference. In this way data on the Albanian and Romanian immigrant groups are thus framed in order to prepare the groundwork for a qualitative study specifically on Albanian-Italian/Romanian mixed marriages in Italy.
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