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Telling, talking about and writing on experiences of migration, war and flight, means in processto create a space of protection. Also in an inner sense, influencing emotions and feeling of life, or fromthe perspective from outside, watching, what is happening to others: with empathy, migration isunderstood as life changing happening. It is internal sense an from the perspective from outside withempathy a changing event and, communicated with one another, harbors the chance of belonging,placeless and free. When the telling of the others begins, we change and with our imagination reality ischanging.
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İnsanlar arası ilişkilerin hakkaniyetli bir toplumsal zeminde inşa edilebilmesinin ve sürdürülebilmesinin önündeki en büyük engellerden biri, “biz” ve “onlar” ayrımını oluşturan “sorunlu” kimlik belirlenimleridir. Etnik, dini, kültürel, ideolojik ya da cinsiyete dayalı bir şekilde geliş(tiril)en kimliklere bağlı hak talepleri ve çatışmaları özellikle son elli yılın önemli siyasi ve sos-yo-kültürel değişimlerinin katalizörü olmuştur. Teknik ilerlemenin belirleyiciliğinde çok katmanlı bir sonuç olarak ortaya çıkan küreselleşme, bir yönüy-le adeta küçülerek sıkışan bir dünya durumuna, yani farklı coğrafyalardaki insanları kuşatan zaman ve mekâna dair türdeşlik algısının hızla yayılmasına sebep olurken, diğer taraftan, kimliklere dayalı talep ve çatışmaların yaygın-laşmasına, engellenemez bir yükseliş göstermesine ve farklı siyasi stratejilerin temel söylem ve eğilimini belirleyerek (Keyman, 2007: 110) kamusal ilginin odağına yerleşmesine zemin oluşturmuştur. Dolayısıyla, farklı temel-lerde ortaya çıkan kimlik talep ve çatışmalarına değinmeksizin yaşadığımız dünyayı anlamak, söz konusu talep ve çatışmalara kalıcı çözümler bulmadan da güvenli bir dünya düzeni ihtimalinden söz etmek olanaksız görünmektedir (Yaman, 2016: 730).
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Gender mainstreaming has become necessary for the success of all military peace support operations. This requirement was first felt as the number of military interventions increased by the international community after the Cold War. This increase helped develop gender mainstreaming in global organizations and alliances like the United Nations and NATO. NATO has been an active actor in military operations recently, and lessons learned from these practices have demonstrated the need to develop a concept emphasizing gender mainstreaming in military organizations. This is also essential in the post-conflict resettlement and peacebuilding phases because the participation of all genders in this phase increases the success and sustainability of the settlement. This paper examines the development of gender mainstreaming in NATO and its subsequent impacts within the organization. This development has led to a change in mindset in planning and conducting military operations and organizational structures.
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Although there is no article in the national legislation in Türkiye that restricts women’s political rights, it is seen that the participation of women in decision-making mechanisms in the public sphere, both at the national and local level, is quite limited. According to the 2022 data from the World Economic Forum (WEF), Türkiye ranks 124th among 146 countries in the Gender Equality Ranking and 112th in the political empowerment ranking. “The European Charter for Equality of Women and Men in Local Life” was prepared in 2006 by the European Council of Municipalities and Regions (CEMR). This document is among the activities carried out under governance, democracy, and citizenship. It encourages local and regional governments to make a public commitment to achieving gender equality and implement the principles in the Charter. This specification, supported by the Union of Municipalities of Türkiye, has been signed by 31 municipalities in Turkey. Later, when the Istanbul Convention was withdrawn, the activities were slowed down, and the applications of the municipalities that signed and wanted to sign later were suspended. With a project carried out by the Association for Supporting Women Candidates, 17 new municipalities have signed terms, and then training has been given to promote gender equality. The organized capacity-building activities were evaluated under three main headings: relevance, effectiveness and sustainability. The most important commitment of the 17 signatories in terms of ensuring sustainability is to prepare the Local Action Equality Plan within two years. This study evaluates the steps taken by the pilot municipalities involved in the project to prepare the Local Equality Action Plan due to the capacity-building training that lasted for one year. A survey study and interviews with municipalities were carried out as a method. The participation of municipalities from different regions in the research revealed the importance of regional differences in promoting gender mainstreaming.
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This paper is based on the research related to the role of women’s rights movements for the development of civil society in Türkiye. Recent analyses reveal that the civil society has been in the development process since the late Ottoman Empire. Moreover, the post-1980s liberalization process of the public sphere has been in relation to the empowering civil society that has been also a scene of the women’s rights movements. Indeed, this was visible in parallel with the reform process in the 2000s under the Justice and Development Party (JDP) governments. In this regard, research shows that the development of civil society and the empowerment of the women’s rights movements has been in parallel that shows the strong role of women’s rights movements for the development of civil society in Türkiye. Preliminary research reveals that early struggle for women’s rights had been in the magazines and newspapers during the late Ottoman Empire. In 1914, Women’s University (Inas Darülfunun) was founded in Istanbul. With the foundation of the Republic of Türkiye in 1923 more freedom was provided for women in terms of lifestyle. The global wave of feminism influenced the women in Türkiye in the 1960s. In the post-1980s, first of all the magazines on the struggle of women emerged. In the 1990s, the research institutions on the gender and women’s studies started to emerge. Later, the organizations from various ideological positioning of women emerged for the struggle for women’s rights. Also, the development of internet technology contributed to the women’s movements’ being a part of the virtual public sphere. This paper presents the role of women’s rights movements for the development of civil society in Türkiye.
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Colonialism lived a negative indelible scar that pursues the rights of the African girl and woman till date. After the defeat of the Germans in Cameroon in 1916, the British and the French partitioned Cameroon. Britain later further divided its portion into British Southern and British Northern Cameroons and administered them as parts of Nigeria. From then on, women in this territory were marginalized by the British colonial administration. One would have expected a change after independence in 1961. Yet, that was not the case. This paper seeks to uncover some of the injustices perpetrated on the woman in West Cameroon during the British rule (1916-1961) and thereafter (1961-2022) despite her sacrifices. With the use of qualitative method, drown from a combination of primary (oral and archival) and secondary sources, it was observed that colonial tasks assigned to the woman and her treatment by the colonial authorities was not din. Their rights to social security were usurped. Even the breakdown of this territory into many slices sowed the seed of the Anglophone crisis that has lived the woman and the girl child perplex between the gun of government militia and that of secessionists. Today, many of them live with precarious situations as refugees in neighbouring countries or as internally displaced within Cameroon. This paper however recommends an effective decentralization in the absence of a federation as a long lasting solution to the problems of the girl child and mother in West Cameroon.
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Everyone under the age of eighteen is considered a child by the United Nations. This requires those who marry before the age of eighteen to be expressed as a child marriage. Gender refers to gender roles in society, which include the rights and responsibilities that society provides to the individual, according to biological sex. The disadvantage between the genders is predominant in women compared to men. For this reason, when thinking about gender, it is directly perceived gender inequality practices such as the disadvantages of women in the work-life balance, their power reduction against men, their employment in low positions with low wages, and their exposure to the glass-ceiling syndrome. The study aims to assess whether the child marriage problem has the ability to be an important indicator of interregional gender inequalities. For this purpose, the relationship between the rank of gender inequality and the weight of women who had their first marriage under the age of eighteen was analyzed in this study. As a result of that, it can be concluded that the weight of the child marriage is acceptable as an indicator of gender inequality against women.
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This paper presents a joint research study involving ten couples in two British cities: Nottingham and London in UK that were interviewed to explore their transnational relationships, families, and experiences of marriage migration. This paper explores the following research questions in the context of Chinese women’s transnational relationship and marriage migration to the UK: 1. What are the culturally situated understandings and experiences of intimate citizenship between Chinese women and their partners? 2. How do Chinese women negotiate perceived cultural, national, and ethnic differences within their relationships? 3. How does transnational migration shape their experiences of intimacy, and vice versa? In terms of methodology the paper uses a qualitative interview-based approach. Thus, ten couples in two British cities were interviewed pre-pandemic who met the following criteria: 1) currently or previously in a committed relationship; 2) the Chinese woman was born in the mainland China; 3) the western partner was born in the UK. The interviews lasted approximately 90 minutes and took place at a time and place of the participant’s choice. The participation was entirely confidential, and their responses were anonymized, as per the British Sociological Association’s code of ethical research. The paper will set out the main findings from the data in areas of such as cultural differences, maintaining spousal relationships, transnational family ties, and employment issues. We will also define the future direction of travel of the research which will explore the extent to which these findings remain constant or have changed in the post-pandemic world. To this end, the original participants will be reinterviewed using the same methods as during the pre-pandemic phase. Our working assumptions are that the main difference will be in the area of employment issues and possibility in terms of maintaining spousal relationships. We predict at this stage that there will be fewer changes in relation to transnational family ties and cultural differences. This paper is original in three main ways: firstly, its focus on Chinese migrant women; secondly, its methodology and thirdly, its pre and post-pandemic comparative focus.
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The objective of this study was to investigate the perceptions about sexual harassment among employees in the workplace in Indian companies and also examine gender differences in their responses. Prior research in the Indian context has shown that women have not reported incidences of sexual harassment at work. The main question is whether people in the workplace understand what is included in sexual harassment. Earlier research in educational institutions and workplace show that there are large gaps in the understanding of sexual harassment and what it entails and what it doesn’t. It is vital to investigate the perceptions about sexual harassment because if the individuals are not aware about it, there is a less chance of reporting related incidents. The current study surveyed employees (N = 1222; 71% men; 25% women; 4% unknown) anonymously from 12 Indian companies before a mandatory awareness and prevention of sexual harassment training session. Male employees reported a greater understanding of sexual harassment than females. However, more female employees reported greater accuracy for some of the questions related to false complaints and friendly flirting and consent. Nearly 50% of men either think that sexual harassment complaints are usually false or unjustified or they are not sure about it, compared to 26% of women. This is alarming and calls for better education with provision of statistics of complaints and false cases. It also seems that the women are more aware of the boundaries between flirting and sexual harassment than the men.
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Most positions of leadership in education and other domains are still held by men. Although there has been a renaissance in the debate regarding the inclusion of female leadership, the underlying gender-power dynamics and stereotypes are still valid and exerted worldwide. Women’s contribution in general, and their representation in leadership positions in Morocco will remain insignificant without major changes, efforts and support. The aim of this phenomenological study is to explore the gender gap in female educational leadership; as well as addressing the biases and barriers contributing to it. The purpose of this study is to examine the factors and challenges that keep women away from educational leadership through the lens of experienced Moroccan women educationalists. The ultimate goal is not only to unveil the reality of this exclusion, but also to help support any woman apt to occupy an educational leadership position in Morocco.
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Albanian society continues to be characterized by patriarchal elements and gender-based prejudices, which, despite all the progress made, are still strong. During the period of the communist regime, there appears to have been an attempt by communist policies to include women in various fields to convey the idea of equal opportunities between women and men. Meanwhile, after the regime ended, the fragility of the state structures, the transition state of the society and the social events that society faced were strong. On their way, not all these events spared to bring down whatever progress that could have been achieved in the improvement of the status and role of women. Through this article, it is intended to investigate the impact of social and economic developments after the fall of the regime in the strengthening of patriarchal society and gender stereotypes, which constitute strong obstacles for the progress of girls and women, both in the personal and social spheres. The main research question developed in this article is: How did social developments in the first decade after the regime collapsed affected the strengthening of gender stereotypes? Relevant literature, studies, reports, and statistics were explored in depth for the conduction of this article, through which the impact of social changes in women roles and status is analyzed. The study concludes that the social economic developments after the fall of the regime served as a nutrient to further strengthen the patriarchal and stereotypical mentality especially gender stereotypes, significantly affecting the reduction of opportunities for girls and women for education, work, career development, etc., which further affected the fragile status and roles of girls and women within family and public sphere.
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I am a sportsperson, she thought, trying to express her very thoughts on a platform she had never hoped to appear on; I fight to be better, for myself, for my team, for my country, which I have represented in dozens of international tournaments. We work with team spirit, friendships, and perseverance. This is what I was trained for, day and night, strict as military drills… although I stand for peace and understanding. I want to show what we, the women, neither repressed nor privileged, can achieve when we set our minds and hearts! I wish to inspire youth to be steadfast and independent! Otherwise, what’s the point of this much sweat… and blood… and tears? It means so much that we cannot lose them! I’ll no longer pretend to simulate this passion for machines!
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Emerging Space Warfare Technologies and Space as A Possible Theater of WarSpace activities are divided into two as civil and military space activities. Civil space activities include scientific and commercial activities. Military space activities, on the other hand, include military monitoring and intelligence activities that have been accepted for peaceful purposes until today. There is concern that military space activities will also turn into non-peaceful activities. Especially the armament of space and the possibility of possible conflicts to turn into space wars are quite frightening for humanity. It also means that both civilian and military space activities cannot be sustained. In order to prevent this situation from occurring, it is important to investigate the possibility of space becoming a theatre of war and to find ways to prevent this situation.
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Space and politics have always been inextricably linked. Space is also linked to the concepts of security, safety, and defense. In the context of security and safety, space infrastructures and services are key elements of the political and strategic dimension. This is because the main driving force of all space programs of states has been political objectives. The advent of space flight created a fundamental historical rupture between industrial modernity and the post-modernity of the information age, which was initially only vaguely perceived. The information age, in all its manifestations, has given rise for the first time in human history to a truly planetary international political system. The space age is the age of global politics.
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Unprecedented advances in science and technology directly affect the structure of contemporary international relations and reshape the balance of power. The technological rivalry between the two great powers in the international relations of the Cold War has gained extraordinary momentum with the inclusion of more actors in the post-Cold War world. In light of changes in the twenty-first century, the conventional three-dimensional – land, air, and sea – framework of sovereignty and power struggle in international relations has been expanded to five dimensions by including outer space and cyberspace. Considering the impact and decisiveness of outer space and cyber technologies on conventional domains, it is clearly seen that the structure and balance of twenty-first century international relations will be realized mainly through these two domains. Because of the unique character of outer space, the obscurities, and limitations it contains, constitute the primary focus of national and international security concerns of contemporary international relations actors. The intense interdependence of the artificial and anonymous structure of cyberspace with outer space technologies reveals the necessity of dominating cyberspace for dominating outer space. In such a complex environment, attempts to securitize outer space by international relations actors are naturally on the rise. Not only governments but also non-governmental actors appear to be directly and increasingly involved in the militarization and weaponization of outer space. The securitization of outer space through increasing militarization and weaponization initiatives has alarming implications for international security. Compared to conventional domains of sovereignty, possible destruction in outer space or cyberspace could have harsh and irreversible consequences on the entire world. Therefore, any diplomatic and legal initiative that strengthens cooperation and communication in outer space is of great importance for the establishment of international security. In this context, evaluating the status and impacts of space diplomacy is deemed crucial in order to better comprehend the future of international space politics in line with current scientific and technological breakthroughs.
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As a result of the development of space technologies, the number of satellites deployed around the world is increasing. These satellites are used for both military and civilian purposes. In the production process of satellites, costs have decreased and their sizes have decreased. The capabilities and variety of satellites have also increased. The increase in satellites deployed around the world can cause various problems. Satellites that are obsolete or out of use deviate from their course. Thus, the increase in votes brings with it the potential for danger. In this section, it is claimed that the potential risks will increase as the number of satellites deployed around the world increases. Today, the increase in the number of satellites brings with it serious problems. As a result of this increase, the danger of satellite pollution arises. Within the framework of these claims, it is necessary to focus on satellite pollution and to put forward various suggestions to prevent it.
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La migración humana ha sido un fenómeno constante y definitorio de nuestra especie desde tiempos ancestrales. A lo largo de la historia, las personas han emigrado de un lugar a otro en busca de una vida mejor, impulsadas por diversas razones, tales como la guerra, el hambre, la persecución o simplemente en busca de nuevas oportunidades. En el contexto contemporáneo, el fenómeno de la migración adquiere una relevancia y una complejidad sin precedentes, particularmente en regiones como América Latina, y específicamente en la ruta migratoria que atraviesa México. Este país, tradicionalmente considerado como un territorio de tránsito, ha vivido importantes transformaciones en relación a este fenómeno que merecen ser analizadas y comprendidas en toda su profundidad.
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Los migrantes en tránsito o también denominados población en movimiento, en condición irregular o no documentada corren mayores riesgos de vulnerabilidad en comparación con los documentados debido a que “tienen menos probabilidades de tomar decisiones o de trazar estrategias de escape” (Oficina del Alto Comisionado para los Derechos Humanos, 2021, p. 9) y porque están expuestos a diversos peligros por las condiciones climáticas y amenazas, particularmente de agentes informales denominados “coyoteros” “pasadores” o “polleros”. Estos grupos ilícitos se aprovechan de la desesperación de los inmigrantes los cuales se ven atrapados en redes especializadas de trata y tráfico de personas. Este hecho ha evolucionado para convertirse en uno de los peores escenarios de esclavitud contemporánea, representando una vergüenza a nivel mundial.
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As a result of political and socioeconomic instability which gained momentum in the last decade, and the rising tensions and conflicts in its neighboring countries, a surge in the irregular departures from Tunisia towards the countries of European Union (EU) became a salient feature of post-revolutionary Tunisia. With 1.3 million Tunisians residing abroad as of 2016, Tunisia represents a prime emigration country in the Mediterranean region (Natter, 2021). Driven by its own political and economic interests in the region, migration has figured high on the agenda of EU’s policymakers. Tunisia represents EU’s key partner in various domains, with their partnership dating back to 1976 with its legal basis in Association Agreement signed in 1995. The 2011 Revolution represented a turning point in the EU-Tunisia relations, rendering EU a crucial partner in provision of support to the Tunisian transition towards the modern democracy. As stated on the official web page of the European Commission: “The partnership between Tunisia and the European Union (EU) is rooted in the mutual interest of enhancing a prosperous and stable Tunisian democracy” (European Commission) . In addition to that, Tunisia benefits immensely from the generous financial support provided by the EU with the aim of enhancing migration governance and addressing the root causes of irregular migration. Yet, as per Lixi, the relations between Tunisia and the EU have long been motivated by the mutual needs and interests with rare examples of a true cooperation (Lixi, 2018).
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