![Международна научна конференция „Героично изкуство и социалистически реализъм. Памет и репрезентации на социалистическото минало в България“](/api/image/getissuecoverimage?id=picture_2016_28297.jpg)
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On the basis of written sources and field materials, the article examines the phenomenonof the “Odessa cuisine” as a regional complex of food. In the context of thehistorical dynamics, it shows the role of the Balkan traditions in the formation anddevelopment of the everyday culture of the inhabitants of Odessa. Special attentionis paid to the current state of the trade subculture and, respectively, to the systemof the food traditions in Odessa. In particular, the article shows that there are manyproducts introduced by natives from the Balkans (first of all, Greeks and Bulgarians):eggplants, tomatoes, cheese, corn, mutton, grapes, etc. The regional dishes perceivedas “Odessaian” but having roots in the ethno-cultures of the above-mentioned communities,are developed on this basis. The text shows also the “blue” (eggplants) invarious variations of preparation and the “pshonka” (corn). Beside the national, theprofessional mass cuisine is also analyzed (restaurant); in it the Balkan substratumhas found its place a long time ago along with the Jewish, Ukrainian and Moldavian.In the menu of these institutions, there are surely a number of dishes with Balkanorigins. On the other hand, it is worth characterizing the special national restaurantsof Odessa (Bulgarian, Gagauzian, Greek).
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The purpose of the present article is to trace the history and to show the activities performedby the gypsies/Romani organizations in Shumen, Bulgaria during the period between 1944 and 1990. The history of these organizations is going through several periods which match the political periods regarding the gypsy population in Bulgaria.It was founded in 1946, when Bulgaria was leading a policy of ethnical recognition of the gypsies and a wide consideration of their cultural and historical identity. Inthe beginning of the 1950s, due to the fear of the so-called “turcheene” (i.e. public demonstration of the Turkish ethnic identity) among a large part of the gypsies, there was a turning-point in the public policy – the Cultural and Educational organization of the gypsies was forbidden and they got into the hands of the “Fatherland Front” (“Otechestven front”). In spite of the restrictions and interdictions, in 1967 the leaders of the Gypsy movement in Shumen restored their organization by the name of “Roma”, but they didn’t get the recognition and validation from the government. In spite of this, they continued to work for the protection of the Gypsy community in Shumen and in all of their activities in several basic directions (socioeconomic, political, educational and cultural) were performed by the organization’s name. This continued until the beginning of the 1990s, when the organization was recovered, andalong side this a number of new organizations arose.
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In this paper I briefly investigate the impact of three types of state agricultural policies on rural households in Valchedrum region, North West Bulgaria. I argue that the state remains a key factor, capable to transform the local economies, identities, and everyday life in a few years. I argue that unlike the situation in socialist Bulgaria, when the state lacked resources to implement its policies and had to rely heavily on coercion, the local people have rather limited options for agency now against powerful and efficient EU agricultural policies.
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The migrations of the Turks from Bulgaria to Turkey in the 20th century are subject of broad academic and pubic discussions; the greatest attention is paid to the last wave of migration of 1989. The article directs the attention further back in the history, to the period from 1950 to 1951 when the Bulgarian and Turkish authorities organized for the first time a mass deportation of over 150 000 Turks. The study discusses the macro and micro framework of that migration flow in the light of the scientificanalytical approach of histoire croisée/entangled history. By means of it, the author analyses the “entangled” policies presented on the basis of Bulgarian, Turkish and other historical sources and compared to ethnographic fieldwork materials collected among the Bulgarian migrants in the city of Izmir. The study works out new issues and issues insufficiently examined of the written and oral history of the Turkish migrants related to the ideas of homeland, the influence of social and kin networks and the reconstruction of identity in the processes of migration, adaptation and integration.
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The problems concerning research, preservation and management of Bulgarian cultural monuments in Romania have attracted the attention of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and particularly the Embassy of the People‘s Republic of Bulgaria in Bucharest for many years. The Art and Culture Committee, the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences and other institutions are also involved in solving of these problems. Although many meetings of political and cultural leaders of various fields and the exchanged diplomatic notes the targeteted specific measures have not been achieved. The first reason for this is the lack of coherence, systematicity and organization and the lack of persistence, flexibility and purposefulness in solving of these problems by the People‘s Republic of Bulgaria.The second reason is the „special line“ of the Romanian government towards Bulgarian cultural interests and monuments. Remarkable in this aspect is the case of the Bulgarian School „Hristo Botev“ in Bucharest, which accordingly to the new architectural planning, were destroyed in February 1988 with an old Bulgarian church on Str „Kalarashilor“ (present-day „Cornelius Coposu“ Blvd.).
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The objective of this article is to outline the basic tensions in contemporary Bulgarian society concerning the intertwining of religion and secularism through the prism of relations between national state and different religious organizations and individuals.The general goal is to combine the presentation of national historical context, existing legislation and the current social debate based on anthropological fieldwork.
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This is a review article of a collection of essays entitled Trauma and Public Memory, edited by Jane Goodall and Christopher Lee.
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Russia has always been making efforts to define itself, since the rule of Peter I, and even earlier, by comparing itself to Kievan Rus and the Grand Duchy of Moscow. Russia has always managed to revive itself as a country, though always different, but the question remained – was Russia the East or the West, or was it something else, no matter how old it was? In all respects, Russia is Europe and its place is in Europe but the way it is governed always pushes the country toward the East.
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This article presents the situation that prevails in „temporary” sanctuaries known as humanitarian zones, or colloquially speaking – refugee camps managed by UNHCR in sub-Saharan Africa on the example of Kenya. The invention of refugee camps as a kind of modern refugia is increasingly being criticized in the world. „Protection” and „aid” provided there consist in controlling and keeping their residents alive without giving them the opportunity to live independently. This system is quite convenient for both host countries and the whole so-called humanitarian industry operating according to marketing logic. The system removes the burden of dealing directly with refugees from host countries and the humanitarian industry hasa kind of market of suffering and excluded refuges which legitimize its existence. It justifies the question whether the camps really provide security and help that they promise? Refugees get voluntarily to the refugee camps, but why in that case do they have a sense of imprisonment when they are there? Why the international refugee protection system that promised sustainable solutions can not solve their problems? Why do refugees in the camps often feel that they are in a trap, from which it is difficult to escape? In the text I refer critically to the existing ways of providing protection and assistance to refugees. I underline the significant discrepancies between the declarations on the part of humanitarian organizations and results of their actions. I suggest rethinking the humanitarian aid system called the „International Refugee Regime”, entangled in contradictions and helpless in the face of the suffering that he promised to remove.
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The article presents the main groups of scientific explanations of jihadist terrorism, focusing on the one fundamental cause of this phenomenon. The author discusses sequentially the explanations based on: 1) religious, 2) psychological, 3) political, 4) socio-economic causes. Then he attempts to select the explanations with the greatest explanatory power. For this purpose he confronts the explanations firstly with available empirical data and then with „the fundamental problem of specificity”. The confrontation with the latter screens out the explanations that are too general and overlook the specific qualities of the jihadist terrorism.
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The question of how rising atavistic nationalism will affect democracies worldwide is an essential one of our time. In this paper, I focus instead on conducting a comparative historical analysis of atavistic nationalism in two unrecognized states: North Cyprus and Taiwan. I argue that the democratic crisis of our times is, in its essence, economic and has been precipitated by the failure of democracies to build domestic capacities to support democratic values. Furthermore, I posit that engaging populaces at the local political level will prove essential to preserving democracies around the world. I conclude by underlining that atavistic nationalism is indeed a significant threat to regional and global peace and requires further co-operation on trade and governance, and should be engaged at the local level. Lastly, I suggest that co-creating local cultures that will act to soften atavistic nationalism, which feeds off the perception of threats and fear.
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The paper analyzes the activity of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) on social media during the escalation of the conflict in the Gaza Strip on May 3-6 and November 12-14, 2019. The goal of the study is to determine how the Israeli army uses social media for the purpose of strategic communication. Based on a case study, the paper answers the following questions: Which themes dominate the IDF's narrative on social media? Who is the main target? How do social media serve the IDF's strategic communication? The theoretical part of the study was based on a review of literature related to strategic communication and public diplomacy. Empirical research was conducted with the use of materials published by official IDF accounts on two social networking sites. Content analysis using open coding included 150 posts published on Twitter and 55 posts on Facebook. Referring to the leading themes and categories selected in this way, the main features of the Israeli narrative on the conflict and target audience were identified, and the role of social media in the IDF's strategic communication was described. The conclusions regarding the IDF's use of social media presented in the article can be seen as a model of effective practices for other countries, as well as a basis for further research on the role of the information dimension in armed conflicts.
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Since cyberspace has become another dimension of state competition, the number of nation-state cyber operations has increased significantly. In the recent past, they were associated with cyber espionage (political and industrial), and this is still in use. Many of them have taken the form of ransomware attacks, blocking access to data. Over a period of several years, there were numerous instances of cyber operations aimed at manipulating the interpretation of information. These operations utilized social media to influence election outcomes in democratic political systems by shaping voter behavior. One of the biggest problems in the analysis of nation-state cyber operations is attribution. Nevertheless, the actors conducting cyber operations are becoming better known. One of them is a category of Advanced Persistent Threat (APT). The main aim of the article is to identify the direction of the development of nation-state cyber operations, which is increasingly determined by non-state actors’ behavior. This requires highlighting the implications in terms of international law and the security strategies used by specific states – in both cases, in the process of ongoing creation. The main research problem was defined as the following question: How do states use APT to conduct cyber operations, and what are and could be the effects of the APT activities (an attempt to identify the characteristics of contemporary and future nation-state cyber operations based on an analysis of nation-state cyber operations in recent years)? In order to achieve the defined goal, the author primarily used qualitative methods: content analysis – in particular, institutional analysis and statistical data analysis.
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Given the instability of the global economic system caused by natural disasters, financial crises, pandemics, and armed conflicts, the realization of sustainable development as a global strategy is increasingly challenging. The exacerbation of global problems facing humanity – and Russia’s large-scale invasion of Ukraine – further worsen the issue of international security in general. There is a need to find effective approaches to the implementation of international relations in current conditions that would guarantee sustainable development and international security. This article examines the theoretical and conceptual foundations of sustainable development diplomacy based on a literature review. It tests the hypothesis about the ability of sustainable development diplomacy to be an effective and efficient tool in current conditions for ensuring sustainable development and international security using the hypothetical and deductive method. The compliance of sustainable development diplomacy, with the fundamental principles of sustainable development, is investigated through an analysis of definitions, determining whether the state’s foreign policy is aimed at sustainable development and whether sustainable development is achieved exclusively through peaceful means, as well as identifying the defined role of sustainable development diplomacy in ensuring international security. Additionally, the article explores the relationship between sustainable development and international security through an interdisciplinary analysis and the method of induction. The regulatory tools for sustainabledevelopment diplomacy in the context of international security were improved through theapplication of the integration method.
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