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Review of: Bartlová, Milena a kol.: Co bylo Československo? Kulturní konstrukce státní identity, UMPRUM. Praha 2017, 271 s.
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This book forum discusses Ivan Kalmar’s pivotal book on the position of “Central Europe” in the racialized hierarchies of “West”/“Europe” and their not-quite-white Others. The authors debate the main contributions and potential blind spots of the book and its key concepts. The concepts of racism and whiteness answer the not-so-new question on Central Europe and Europ’s “East” anew: How come that the populations of and in this diverse region happen to repeatedly find themselves in the very same marginal position in European historical orders? This question has very contemporary manifestations; Europe’s persistent East-West socioeconomic and socio-cultural hierarchies, among others, co-produce the local populations’ marginalized or marginalizing positioning vis-à-vis each other and the rest of Europe or the world. In this honest discussion, the authors chart new intellectual pathways for utilizing racism and whiteness to help us better understand this question and its many manifestations from within and outside the region.
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This article aims to analyze the political, ideological and historical background of the process of changing street names in Belgrade since the fall of communism, with special emphasis placed on the alterations done during the administration of the Serbian Progressive Party (2013–2021). Since the early 1990s, almost every regime change has introduced different interpretations of the national past and present, significantly influencing the Belgrade odonyms, thus making the politics, history and public memory closely intertwined and mutually dependent.
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The aim of this article is to draw attention to the ways in which borderline experience, described in Magdalena Tulli’s postmemory narratives (Włoskie szpilki, Szum), affects embodiment experience. The methods of presenting the unmet need for the closeness of the child with the maternal–traumatised–body and the consequences of the lack of this bond were analysed. The taboo of corporeality and its marginalisation in the narratives indicate the development of defence mechanisms against the traumatic past and, at the same time, become a source of identity problems for the representative of the second generation. Moreover, the close attention paid to Alzheimer’s disease by one of the main characters in Tulli’s novels indicates a close relationship between the way of creating a postmemory narrative and the experience of corporeality.
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Interview with Snježana Prijić Samaržija, by Andrea Perunović.
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This article analyses the short story collection Granice świata (“The Limits of the World”) by Kazimierz Wierzyński. It emphasises two war narratives, namely The Patrol and Sentence of Death, in which the firstperson narrator (the author himself) experiences extreme events. Wierzyński’s characters commit terrible atrocities, and the writer describes their ruthless and unexpected reactions to highly distressing episodes.
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The article discusses the book The Leningrad Blockade. Children’s Book (2019) by Grigory Piernavsky. It analyses the structure, content organization, bricolage form, and, most importantly, the way of talking about the siege of the city proposed by the author. The analysis shows that the content of the discussed publication fits closely into the official discourse of Russian historical policy, referring to the Great Patriotic War. Comments on the book were related to the functioning of collective memory, propaganda, and postpropaganda.
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There were only a few places of memory in Southern Dobrogea after the First World War and the reintegration of the province into Romania. Most of them lacked artistic value and provided insignificant information. These statues, placed in some public squares of the province’s cities, received limited funding and little attention from artists. Little and fragmented information has been written about these monuments of Romanian memory in Southern Dobrogea. The main causes for this are linked to the marginality of the province in the governmental objectives and its negligible impact on the assessment of Romanian nationalistic identity values. Additionally, there were few publications in Southern Dobrogea, which had little cultural impact in the Romanian national context and a short existence. From 1919 to 1940, there was no tradition of cultural institutions, nor were there any memorials for wars or public figures. It was not until 1927, with the inauguration of a small statue of King Ferdinand in Bazargic (now Dobrich/Dobrici), that any public monuments appeared throughout Southern Dobrogea. An important part of the Romanian communities from Southern Dobrogea was established after the First World War by invinting the Balkan Romanians from South-Eastern countries. They shared the Romanian language and culture but had little connection with the recent historical memories of natives in Romania, including the Independence War of 1877- 1878 or the First World War and the formation of the so-called Greater Romania (România Mare) in 1918. The sacrifices, the German/Bulgarian occupation of Dobrogea, the losses, and the heroes of the First World War were primarily associated with the native population, although the Romanians from the Balkans were also exemplary citizens and contributors. These native groups, excluding Bulgarians and Turks/Tatars, were a minority in all local or national censuses from 1918 to 1940. Therefore, Romanian places of memory (statues and cemeteries) in Southern Dobrogea were respected but did not hold the same emotional significance for the community as they did in other provinces of the country. Only one of all the statues from Southern Dobrogea has been preserved until today: the statue of Queen Maria from Balcic, erected in 1933. It was relocated in September 1940 and is now situated in front of the Museum of Art in Constanța.
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The current document discusses the "Last Address" project, which commemorates victims of Soviet and communist totalitarianism. It originated in Russia in 2014 and has since spread to other countries, including the Czech Republic. The project faces increasing attacks, with memorial plaques being stolen or damaged, particularly in 2023. These acts raise questions about whether they are impulsive or part of an organized campaign. Despite bureaucratic obstacles and public indifference, new plaques continue to be installed, indicating support from property owners. The article also touches on the reluctance of authorities to engage with the project and the hostile media environment, with state-controlled media running negative campaigns against "Last Address."
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The article discusses the question of the politics of memory in the public discourse of Serbia in the 1980s with regard to the crimes commited by the Ustasha regime against the Serbian population in Independent State of Croatia (NDH), during World War II. The discussion on this topic was presented on the basis of the press from the second half of the 1980s and the early 1990s. The predominant number of publications emphasised that the Serbs suffered huge losses and that the crimes against the Orthodox population in the NDH were never punished. Discussions about the genocide, which was often described in Serbia as “forgotten”, referred to the political climate in the republic at the time. Leading Serbian politicians spoke sharply on the subject, and numerous scientific and quasi-scientific publications were published. The number of victims was manipulated. Moreover, a message about the “awakening of the Ustasha spirits” was developed in relation to Croatian national activities. Anti-Croatian rhetoric intensified with the introduction of the multi-party system in Yugoslavia (1989) and strengthening of secessionist aspirations in Croatia. The discussions concerning Jasenovac were developed in the context of the political crisis of the federation at the time and the aspirations of Serbian elites towards national unification of Serbs around martyrdom messages.
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Bilo bi teško i u puno širem okviru nego što je predviđeno za ovo izlaganje izložiti sve osobine kulturnog pamćenja koje se mogu prepoznati u romanu Noćno vijeće Dževada Karahasana te razmotriti sve veze tog romana s nekim važnim idejama koje su značajno doprinijele razumijevanju prošlosti i pitanja identiteta u evopskoj kulturi. Ovdje će zato biti samo ukratko navedene neke veze između Noćnog vijeća i fenomena sjećanja i pamćenja, kako ih u svojoj knjizi Kulturno pamćenje definira Jan Assmann, a u svom djelu Duga sjenka prošlosti dodatno razmatra Aleida Assmann. Najkraće rečeno, Assmannovi razlikuju sjećanje kao subjektivni, individualni, psihološki fenomen od pamćenja kao fenomena koji je kolektivno oblikovan.
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Maria Orwid przeprowadzając wnikliwe studia nad problematyką traumy u drugiego pokolenia ocalonych z Zagłady, wskazywała: Nasze człowieczeństwo i nasza kultura budują się poprzez przekazywanie z pokolenia na pokolenie pewnych wartości, zachowań, schematów, mitów i oczekiwań. A wraz z nimi – chcemy czy nie chcemy – przekazywana jest trauma. Dzieci osób ocalonych są bardzo silnie związane przekazem transgresyjnym z uczuciami i emocjami swoich rodziców, co wpływa na ich tożsamość. Często zaczynają się interesować okolicznościami tych przeżyć właśnie dlatego, że chcą zrozumieć świat rodziców i dziadków, i albo wchodzą w ten temat bardzo głęboko, albo próbują się od niego odcinać. Ucieczka jest jednak niemożliwa. Drugie pokolenie żyje zazwyczaj w atmosferze tajemnicy i niepewności, w poczuciu, że rodzice przeżyli coś, co trudno zrozumieć […].
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The purpose of this article is to show the way of presenting the national identity issues, which are present in the Morphine by Szczepan Twardoch. The unclear situation of main character is a starting point of my reflections. He is situated between Polishness and Germanness, femininity and masculinity, being active and being passive. In my analysis I concentrate on patterns into which the main character cannot (or perhaps does not want to) be written, and which have theirs roots in Polish national myths and stereotypes.
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We analyze the coverage of the Gezi Park protests by two major Western newspapers—The New York Times and The Guardian—through the lens of media framing, rhetoric, and collective memory. We argue that these digital archives frame Turkey’s Gezi Park protests as a challenge to an authoritarian government by promoting the themes of unrest as a conflict of ideologies, oppression of citizens, and the park as a site of memory. In a concluding section, we focus on the significance of digital archives as repositories of collective memory and the role of media framing in shaping these reconstructions of events in the past.
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Ongoing urban developments and contemporary social challenges increase the need for different typologies of new urban and architectural concepts, where the issue of built heritage, specifically in the case of Skopje, has become a vast problem. With the decomposition of the former Yugoslavia states in the 1990s, each of these new states inherited a significant amount of built heritage, including monuments, buildings, landscapes, and infrastructure, constructed according to the prevailing socialist urban-planning and architectural doctrines, and directed within and towards the immediate contexts of the Yugoslav community. Most of this inherited architecture vanished across the ex-Yugoslav space, while a large part of it is still left in a state of limbo. This article aims to show the socialist built heritage’s adaptation, or transformation, into new urban scenarios, using the case of Skopje to reveal more about the relationship between the heritage and the local inhabitants. It will closely examine the socialist architecture and its relation with the local memory communities, or the locals’ memories. More precisely, we will focus on one unique construct that has slowly vanished in the modern-day living: the notion of mesna zaednica. In focusing on this notion in the urban district of Taftalidže, Skopje, we will discuss the means of transposing socialist communal features into the new, post-socialist architectural rhetoric and way of life, as well as engage with various discourses about urban heritage emerging in the urban context. Finally, we will argue in favor of several heritage and urban development theses, which can be applied to the particular case study. The article is part of an ongoing research project that presents its results in English for the first time.
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The article contains a short, synthetic description of the functioning of the Branch Commis-sion for the Investigation of German-Nazi Crimes in Olsztyn (operating since 1991 underthe name of the Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation). The thir-ty-three-year activity of the Commission in Olsztyn was described in the form of a calendar for1965–1999 and lists of investigations in matters relating to Nazi crimes and Stalinist crimes, a listof members and employees of the Commission in Olsztyn, as well as conferences and scientificsessions they organised, along with the publications of members and employees of the Commis-sion in Olsztyn. The article also includes a list of sources used therein, which is an important aidfor researchers on this topic.
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In this paper, the author offers a brief overview of the memorial heritage that was created/erected/set up in honour of the fallen Austro-Hungarian soldiers of World War I, including Croatian citizens from 1914 until today. Based on the extant research, the author presents a categorisation of sites of memory related to World War I and writes about the attitudes of the countries that existed on Croatian soil after the collapse of Austria-Hungary towards these sites up to the present.
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The article explores how the process of Europeanization affects the shaping of collective cultures of memory and oblivion, and shows in particular how the practice of European institutions in terms of Holocaust remembrance has been institutionalized. Methodologically article focuses on the research of the new institutionalism, and connects them with some elements of social constructivism in the theory of European integration. On the one hand, the culture of memory and the culture of oblivion is described by the action of Europeanization in the politics of the European Union, but also of its Member States in historical and institutional development, while the interpretation of European identity is left open and plural. The research relies on numerous works in the field of the construction of European identity and the process of Europeanization, especially works that have significantly contributed to this area of political theory of European integration.
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