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U knjizi Imaginarne zajednice: razmišljanja o porekla i širenju nacionalizma (1983), Benedikt Anderson daje uticajnu definiciju nacije kao “imaginarne političke zajednice”. Iznijansirana verzija Gelnerovog određenja nacije kao tvorevine nacionalizma i temelj narednih studija o procesu izmišljanja/stvaranja nacija, Andersonova definicija opisuje naciju kao sistem kulturnih predstava koji jednoj osobi omogućava da se poistoveti sa širom zajednicom tako što usvaja imaginarno zajedničko iskustvo. [...]
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The author analyzes ways in which the collective designative and semantic structure of the Vukovar events have been formed. By examining the designative structure, the author concludes that the events in Vukovar still do not bear other designators than those of a conventional, tautological and documentary nature. Therefore, he concludes that the Vukovar drama is not yet designated within the collective Croatian remembrance. In the process of analyzing modes of semantic field formation, the author suggests two types of opposition. In the first type of opposition changes permitting the opposition to be transformed into the domination of the stronger side are being developed. Due to this mechanism, Vukovar is semantically defined as the town-victor, town-judge, town-hero, and finally as the town founded on reversible history, in which all damage is rectifiable.
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In this paper the author writes about the motive for establishing a concept of standard language policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1970s in the past century, the character of proclaimed principles, their application and the results of the application in the period extending to dissolution of the common standard language of Bosnian, Montenegrin, Croats and Serbs to specific standard languages. Within the frames of the mentioned contents he clarifies the linguistic situation in the area which was covered by a common standard language, the theoretic approaches to the standard language itself as to a language of nationally un-homogeneous community, the tendencies of unification and differentiation in its norm on the general level and the endeavor to preserve the common standard language with a norm suitable to all its users, established on the conjunctive principle. According to the author, the concept of standard language policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina was permeated by a democratic ideal in all its manifestations - the equality in communication for all its users in the standard language communion, so the results did not fail to come. In the nineties the application of this concept stopped not because of its weaknesses but due to the change of social reality in these areas. The author considers that the period of functioning of this concept was aurea aetas of the science in language in Bosnia and Herzegovina, concerning both the orientations which permeated it and the achieved results as well.
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The article analyses the current antagonism between the Czech pro-Western liberal democratic discourse and the discourse of national sovereignty from the perspective of long-term conceptions of Czech national identity and the mythical narratives through which they have been expressed. I identify two basic mythical perspectives that have been crucial for the Czechs since the 19th century: the ‘particularist’ and the ‘universalist’. The latter originally only existed as a complement of the former, and it was not until 1968 that it was clearly expressed on its own (in its pro-Western version) in opposition to the particularist myth, eventually becoming the dominant narrative of the 1990s with their ethos of returning to the West. Once the post-revolutionary enthusiasm evaporated, however, the subsequent disillusion again came to be expressed through the particularist myth. While at present the universalist myth might seem as superior to the particularist one, from the perspective of theories of nationalism, both have their bright and dark sides, and it is only due to their present-day opposition that the particularist myth has taken the illiberal turn. A critical reflection of the limitations of both myths might allow us to soften their antagonism.
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The rigged 2020 presidential election in Belarus, as well as the disproportionate use of violence by authorities and multiple reports of tortures of detainees served as a catalyst for the Belarusian society. The mass protests that ensued were on a scale unseen since the 1990’s. Mass mobilization of citizens during Sunday rallies as well as grassroot activity and the rise of local communities led some to proclaim the birth of a new civic society and even a new Belarusian political nation. The ultimate validity of these statements can be fully evaluated only with the benefit of hindsight, which we do not have as of the time of writing. One can nevertheless safely argue that unprecedented mass political mobilization and new forms of horizontal solidarity are important contributions to nation building—which, in the social constructivist paradigm, should be understood as a never-ending process rather than a singular event.
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This study aims at shedding the light on the factors lying behind switching to Hebrew, represented with age, gender, work history and place of residence the phenomenon of code-switching between Hebrew-Arabic among Israeli Arab students at the Arab American University in Palestine. It also studies how code-switching may affect the Palestinian identity of those students.The sample of this study is twofold. The first was conducted quantitatively through randomly selecting 70 Israeli Arabs to answer an 18-item questionnaire. The findings were statistically analysed using SSPS, showing the frequencies, values, means and standard deviation which were analysed using content analysis. Also, the reliability of the paper was tested using the Cronbach Alpha formula of which the reliability coefficient was accepted and satisfied at (0.70). The researcher also conducted a qualitative approach through interviewing six students, analysed using conversational discourse analysis. The study reveals that both age and place of residence were significantly different and affected the choice of Hebrew.
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Review of: Monika Palmberger, How Generations Remember: Conflicting Histories and Shared Memories in Post-War Bosnia and Herzegovina, London: The Palgrave Macmillan, 2016.
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The issue of leadership is becoming increasingly a phenomenon studied by specialists in political sciences. However, the emerging theoretical concepts call for constant changes and updates due to the political practice. This is supported by the changes in the political scene observed in many countries, generally referred to as the “populist revolution”. This phenomenon, with varying intensity, has been present on the Italian political scene for almost a quarter of a century. The specificity of Italian populism should be expressed concerning three political leaders: Silvio Berlusconi, Beppe Grillo and Matteo Renzi. Although, there are many differences between them – the time of appearance, the scope of power and political culture, there are also common formal references regarding personal image and applied rhetoric. The distinct approach of leadership to populism has been further strengthened by the increasing use of new means of social communication. As a result, the intersection of technology and social change has had and will have a significant impact on the perception of politics in the future.
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The early books by Mikołaj Grynberg containing conversations with survivors and their children allowed the writer to discover perspectives unknown to him before. With time these stories, combined with his own experiences, have become the basis for writing ‘Rejwach’. In the article, while introducing the author’s search for form, the author will show how the contemporary writing about the Holocaust has evolved. Grynberg, on the basis of testimonies he has heard, creates stories which many people affected by the Holocaust can identify with – people from the first, second and even third generation of survivors. Although fictitious, they have a universal value.
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The aim of the paper is to show the dependence between language, collective memory (also post-memory) and sense of identity. This issue is analysed using the example of an ethnic minority living in the village of Ostojićevo (Banat, Serbia) called ‘Toutowie.’ Their ancestors came in the 19th century from Wisła (Silesian Cieszyn, Poland); they left their homes because of great hunger and were looking for jobs in Banat. Narratives about the past contain traumatic experiences of the past generations transmitted in the Silesian dialect and constituting communicative memory. At the same time, a new Polish national identity is being constructed, supported by institutions and authorities; it carries a new image of the world and creates a new cultural memory. This new identity – shaped on the basis of national categories – leads to changes of its self-identification and gives the opportunity to raise its social position in the multi-ethnic Banat community.
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The process of othering is the process of assigning a group or individual the role of the Other and creating one’s own identity in opposition to it. It deprives Others of the characteristics of “the same”: reason, dignity, love, pride, heroism, nobility, and ultimately human rights, regardless of whether the Other is a racial or religious group, a sexual minority or a nation. The process of othering can take a form of exploitation, oppression and even genocide because, as Richard Rorty put it, everything changes who is a fellow member of our moral community. Stanisław Konopacki describes it in relation to the question of European identity, built in opposition to Otherness. This opposition turns out to be extremely inspiring for an analysis of contemporary crises in the European Union. The paper presents a theoretical analysis of the process itself, its anthropological sources, and its consequences for the Habermas project of the contemporary European public sphere.
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The process of modelling political phenomena, subject to the methodological principles of science, creates problems at various levels of reconstructing reality. The problems result from the application of these principles in isolation from the basic goal, which is the adequacy of the model in relation to real phenomena. This adequacy is considered primarily from the point of view of the possibility of explaining the observed phenomena. The presented analysis concerns the problem of assumptions made in relation to players in game theory and their relation to the social world, but first of all, from the point of view of the relationship between subjectivity, identity and the ability to make decisions by political players based on the semantic interpretation of the world of politics.
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The article aims at searching for the correlation between the Luso-African identity, understood as a form of cultural identity based on the concept of Lusophony, and The Community of Portuguese Language Countries (CPLP), an international organisation that brings together countries whose official language is Portuguese. The CPLP is considered as an institutional emanation of the idea of Lusophony. However, for almost 25 years since its creation it still receives a lot of criticism. Despite the multiplicity of initiatives that it proposed, for a long time it seemed that the CPLP did not really move beyond the concept phase. Furthermore, until recently the organisation has focused mainly on cultural and political cooperation, leaving behind its enormous economic possibilities and provoking questions about an untapped potential of the CPLP. The paper attempts to reflect on the hypothesis that the limited capacities of the Community of Portuguese Language Countries regarding the African continent are, at least partially, related to the problem with Luso-African identity. The considerations presented in the article are based on the critical reading of the literature of the subject, qualitative analysis of the already existing data (official documents and the press, available statistics), as well as the author’s reflections drawn from observations, interviews and informal talks conducted during field research in Mozambique (2015) and Guinea-Bissau (2016), along with multiple study visits to Portugal (2011-2016), while realizing the research project devoted to the problem of state dysfunctionality in the Lusophone Africa.
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It is promising, however it is not easy to present the issue of minorities in the Austrian constitutional regulation between 1848 and 1867. It is tempting, interesting and significant, since the main problem concerning the survival of the state of the multinational Habsburg Monarchy was the national minority issue. The question raised seems difficult, multi-layered and partly contradictory, since there were numerous constitution drafts and law proposals came into effect during the period between the Revolution of 1848 and the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 and different starting positions were expressed in them. The general motivation of the civil-democratic movements was emancipation and political participation. Their claims were drafted based on the constitutional rights. Complying with constitution was in the forefront. The need for the recognition of the non-German and non-Hungarian inhabitants’ linguistic and political rights was in close relation with these requirements. In the focus of the Individual demands and programmes were self-governance and the autonomy of politics of the nationalities. At the same time raison d'être of the multi-national Habsburg Monarchy also emerged. The role of the Slavic nationalities in the Monarchy only emerged as a marginal issue.
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The article seeks to research the propaganda narratives of the Russian Federation in Europe. The Russian Federation has a long “successful” history of creating propaganda narratives since Soviet times. Even today, it spreads national and grand narratives to influence the external and internal audience. The narrative method is used to analyse both the content and the structure of the stories. The author makes the conclusion that the main purpose of Russia’s propaganda narratives is to convince its citizens and the whole world of Russia’s indomitable greatness and power, as well as to demonstrate the degradation of Europe and the West in general. To form the image of an invincible fighter for Christian values, the only outpost of stability, development, security (at least in Europe), Russia promotes a grand narrative, which is disseminated through daily disinformation, fakes and propaganda messages. The article finds out how the EU counteracts these destructive influences, specifically owing to the activity of the EUvsDisinfo site.
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The purpose of the research was to analyze the image of the LGBT+ community in nationwide Catholic weeklies published in Poland, in particular in the context of patriotism, homophobia, and intolerance. Equality marches in 2019 constituted an important framework of the analysis. The author’s intention was also to determine which of the attitudes towards the principle of equality of each person before the law regardless of sexual orientation (acceptance vs. criticism) dominated in the individual press titles. The research material consisted of printed versions of four Catholic weekly magazines: Niedziela, Gość Niedzielny, Idziemy and Tygodnik Powszechny. The analysis covered texts about the LGBT+ community, which contained at least one of the following keywords: LGBT; Equality march; Equality parade, which was published in the period between March 31st, 2019 and September 30th, 2019. The author used the method of press content analysis and the method of qualitative discourse analysis. The results of the analyses showed that the LGBT+ community had an important place in Polish Catholic weekly magazines. Niedziela, Gość Niedzielny, and Idziemy have explicitly criticized LGBT ideology and have portrayed LGBT+ persons as intolerant, and their opponents as patriotic. Tygodnik Powszechny has distanced itself from attributing intolerant attitudes to the LGBT+ community, while imposing a homophobic attitude towards its opponents. The research has shown different press images of people belonging to sexual minorities in Catholic right-wing conservative weeklies and those press titles which represent the so-called open church. The different understanding of the sacred/profane categories, religious symbols as well as cultural dimensions of sexual revolution, found in the analysed press titles, along with different uses of mediatization metaphors for the critics of LGBT+community, contributed to the bipolarity of the narratives explored in this article.
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The paper provides an analysis of political relations of Bosnian Muslims (officially Bosniaks since 1993) and Serbs, lasting for almost a century. Firstly, the author deals with their relations in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia from 1918 to 1941, all the way through World War II from 1941 to 1945, then in the Communist Yugoslavia from 1945 to 1990, followed bythe period after the break-up of Socialist Federal Republic Yugoslavia, when Bosnia and Herzegovina became sovereign state, and, finally,with their current relations We believe that the main cause of the dispute is that Bosnian Muslims historically always abandoned Serbs at critical times and sought the support of other states and nations for their state-building goals. In wars, they supported their enemies, often forming alliances with other states or nations. As religious idea among the Bosnian Muslims grew from 1918, so did their numbers as well as their aspirations for Serbian territories. Similarly, as the number of Bosnian Muslims grew, so did the interest of great powers and political parties as well as their military support. Most importantly, with the rise of numbers of Bosnian Muslims, their policies and their stance towards the state changed. Hence, when they became majority in Bosnia and Herzegovina, they wanted to turn the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina into their national state.
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Перша світова війна стала каталізатором пришвидшеного національного усвідомлення населення периферійних територій. Одним із таких теренів став Карпатський регіон, в якому окрім українців / русинів, мешкали поляки, словаки, угорці, румуни, євреї, німці. Оскільки війна завжди призводила до комплексних чи часткових змін у різних сферах життєдіяльності тих чи інших держав, соціумів, етнічних спільнот, мета пропонованої статті полягає у дослідженні впливу військових дій 1914–1915 рр. на етнополітичне становище українців / русинів Карпатського регіону. Вказані трансформаційні процеси видозмінювали первинну соціальну, політичну, господарську, культурну і етнічну структури, що раніше не було предметом окремої студії та складає новизну дослідження. Перша світова війна для українства стала переломним моментом на шляху до колективної політичної мобілізації і визначеної групової етнічної ідентифікації. Джерельна база і методологія. У статті на основі широкого кола джерел комплексно, у порівняльному ключі, проаналізовано етнополітичне становище українців/русинів Карпатського регіону та охарактеризовано вплив військових дій 1914-1915 рр. на місцеве населення краю. Значна увага у публікації зосереджена на аналізі етносоціального і політичного рівнів життєдіяльності місцевого населення регіону в часи військового протистояння між Російською імперією та АвстроУгорською монархією. Основний акцент у розвідці зроблений на впливах етнополітики австрійської військової та російської окупаційної адміністрацій на українців/русинів (лемків, бойків, гуцулів) Карпат у вказаний період. Висновки. У публікації показана кореляція впливу фактору війни та відповідних військових зіткнень 1914–1915 рр. у Карпатському регіоні на різного гатунку дискримінації карпатських горян як на соціально-економічному, так і політичному рівнях. Водночас констатуємо, що обидві воюючі сторони вдалися до переслідувань українців/русинів краю за політичними та етнічними мотивами. Такі дії військових антагоністів остаточно розвіяли міфи в українців/русинів Карпат про роль визволителів і захисників, ворогів і союзників, своїх і чужих. Це вагомо вплинуло на зміни, які відбулися у сфері свідомісних саморефлексій. Так, у свідомості місцевого населення розпочалися трансформації щодо координат сприйняття воюючих сторін за принципом «свій-чужий» у наступні роки.
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The article highlights the preconditions and peculiarities of the birth of the Ukrainian public movement of Bukovina in the 60s of the 19th century. The research methodology is based on the general scientific (analysis, synthesis, systematization, generalization), as well as special-historical (synchronous, comparative-historical and historical-genetic) methods. Scientific novelty. This article is the first comprehensive study of the origin of the Ukrainian public movement in Bukovina in the 60s of the 19th century in Ukrainian historical science. Conclusions. The reasons for the backwardness of the Bukovinian Ukrainians in terms of creating of the national movement organizational centers, from Galicia and the Dnieper Ukraine, were: the lack of strong ties with other Ukrainian lands, where the revival had begun earlier; the conducting of assimilation policy by Romanian circles; the negative attitude of the Austrian authorities to the manifestations of national life; the lack of religious separation of the majority of the Ukrainian population from the Romanian one; the low national consciousness of Bukovinian Ukrainians. The author also identified the preconditions of the emergence of the Ukrainian public movement in Bukovina, namely: the providing a legal basis for the functioning of public organizations through the legislation liberalization in the Austro-Hungarian Empire; intensification of national life in Galicia; the dissemination of national ideas and literature from the Dnieper Ukraine; the appearance of prominent cultural figures in Bukovina; the reaction of the Ukrainians of the region on the Romanians national revival and their struggle for the separation of Bukovina from Galicia in 1860-1861; the religious struggle between the Romanians and the Ukrainians; the rise of various societies and organizations in the region; the readiness of Ukrainian local intelligentsia to create their own center in the late 60s of the 19th century.
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