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This work explores ecological and climate-related threats to Afghanistan and discusses support approaches from a European Crisis Management (ECM) perspective. It goes beyond the much-debated troop withdrawal, COVID-19 crisis and peace negotiations and opens an underestimated topic: ‘Climate Change Assistance’. The article aims to advance knowledge on the effects of climate change on human security in Afghanistan and advocates a conflict-sensitive approach. To this end, a climate-related assessment of the human security situation was undertaken and several threat scenarios, options and solutions for enhancing state resilience were developed. The bases for this research were several field trips undertaken by the author since 2004, workshops and an extensive literature review. As a result, it can be stated that the negative impacts of climate change and pollution on Afghanistan’s security and development architecture are massive and make ECM efforts very complex. However, several capacity-building initiatives for military, diplomatic, humanitarian and local stakeholders were identified. On the regional level, this includes the support for early warning systems and hydro-diplomacy with Pakistan, Iran and India. On the local level, the support for community water management and environmental protection matters, while building upon traditional Afghan mechanisms for handling water crises or disasters. Another outcome is the need for more in-depth research in this field as some findings are also useful for other fragile states. The paper argues that there is an urgent need for ECM to respond to the devastating effects of climate change in Afghanistan and identifies several smart opportunities to tackle some root causes of the conflict.
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The armed conflict in Colombia with the FARC-EP that started in 1964, ended with the “Final Agreement to End the Armed Conflict and Build a Stable and Lasting Peace” in 2016 and the peacebuilding process began. The way to achieve a lasting peace is to implement the peace agreement and solve the problems of the conflict period and achieve the necessary social, political, and economic transformations. It is decided by the Colombian government and the FARC-EP to complete the implementation of the agreement in 15 years. The main points of the agreement are comprehensive rural reform; political participation; end of the conflict; solution to the illicit drugs problem; agreement regarding the victims of the conflict; implementation, verification and public endorsement. If the implementation process is not completed, the projected reforms would not be enough to achieve a lasting peace. This study analyses the implementation rates of the six main points of the agreement and examines the social, political, and economic reforms in the country within the framework of the following research question: “Could it be anticipated that the peacebuilding process in Colombia has progressed positively?” Moreover, the study discusses the reasons of the obstructions in the peacebuilding process. Findings of the study show that the implementation rates of the four main points of the agreement have been well below the target. However, it is observed that the progress of the social, political, and economic transformations has been positive.
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This study aims to discuss whether it is possible to solve the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, which is one of the longest historical problems of the Middle East, within the context of a two-state solution. It can be said that the de facto Israeli annexation of the West Bank, based on the existence of Jewish settlements, is the main obstacle to the two-state solution. In the last two decades, while the Israeli occupation in the West Bank has been deepening step by step, it has become impossible for the Palestinian Authority to establish a sovereign state in the region. Despite this fact, after the collapse of the Oslo peace process, all US-centered peace attempts emphasized the two-state solution. Therefore, there has been a great contradiction between the Israeli settlement policy and the two-state solution proposals which came to the agenda by the initiatives of the US presidents. Although it is emphasized that the Palestinian-Israeli question will be only solved with the establishment of an independent Palestinian state in all peace initiatives announced by George Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump under the name of Peace to Prosperity, the situation created by Israel in the West Bank indicates the impossibility of a two-state solution. This study will discuss why the two-state solution proposals in the heart of the US’ regional politics but how it became impossible due to the facts on the ground that Israel created in the West Bank.
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For historical, sociological and documentary approach based on a chronological analysis of the facts on armed conflicts in the Great lakes region, in this article, we show how the construction of sustainable painting is possible in this Region. This implies the purpose and roles of the various actors which are the states supported by regional organizations, the international community and civil society. Thus, do entered strategies applied by regional policies to set up cooperation for the management and exploitation of the natural resources in the municipalities. These common development policies thus contribute to the strengthening of collective security in application to the national defenses of the states and their political and legal mechanism of dispute rules.
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The present article is built on the premise that both the British Empire in the 19th century (during its rivalry with Russia, known as the Great Game) and the United States in the 20th century treated Afghanistan as a means to an end in their quest to fulfil their strategic interests, without much concern for the country’s people, history and traditions, which ultimately contributed to their failure: Britain was forced to accept Afghanistan’s independence in 1919 at the end of the third Anglo-Afghan war, while the US withdrew its troops in August 2021, putting an end to what proved to be an unwinnable war. The article’s main body examines the British and American presence in Afghanistan through the lens of a historical comparison meant to highlight the similarities and differences in their approaches, while the conclusion contains a few lessons the US should learn from Afghanistan that might, ideally, inform its future interventionist strategies.
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The article focuses on evolution, outcomes and consequences of the Ukrainian crisis. this crisis, as the most serious security challenge in europe since the end of the Cold War, dramatically worsened relations between Russia on the one side and the West on the other and left far-reaching negative consequences for international relations as a whole. the goals of this article are the analysis of the specific circumstances, interests and position of both Ukraine and the key international actors that have led to the Ukrainian crisis and will affect its further development. the attitudes of the key international actors, as well as the formulation of appropriate policies towards Ukraine, are the most demanding tasks and a test of the capabilities and limitations of a common approach and cooperation of the international community in resolving the security challenges in the post- Soviet space.The article focuses on evolution, outcomes and consequences of the Ukrainian crisis. this crisis, as the most serious security challenge in Europe since the end of the Cold War, dramatically worsened relations between Russia on the one side and the West on the other and left far-reaching negative consequences for international relations as a whole. the goals of this article are the analysis of the specific circumstances, interests and position of both Ukraine and the key international actors that have led to the Ukrainian crisis and will affect its further development. the attitudes of the key international actors, as well as the formulation of appropriate policies towards Ukraine, are the most demanding tasks and a test of the capabilities and limitations of a common approach and cooperation of the international community in resolving the security challenges in the post- Soviet space.
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In this article, we will try to show different attempts of interpretation of the structure and disposition of power in the post-Cold War period. First, we will start with the exhaustion of neorealist polarity theory options, respectively, present theorists’ debate whether the distribution of power after the Cold War is unipolar, bipolar or multipolar. However, although the neorealist vision of world order is necessary, but not sufficient, because its full interpretation cannot be accessed only by using its limited framework, in future work we will present more complex models that some theorists represent, and without which it is impossible to comprehensively70 present a complex structure and disposition of power as it exists today. Huntington's idea of uni-multipolarity, Joseph Nye efforts to present disposition of power in the world as interdependence on several levels, nonpolarity of Richard Haas and complex structure in the form of 1 (superpower) + 4 (major powers) + X (regional powers) of Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver represent such tendency.
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Nagu paljudes teistes eluvaldkondades, nii on ka juhtimisoskuse omandamisel tähtis kogemus. Õpe kogemuse kaudu on väga tõhus. Sõjaväelistele juhtidele kogemuse pakkumine on aga problemaatiline. Sõja iseloomu tõttu on sellel alal tähtis pakkuda vähekogenud juhtidele kogemuse omandamiseks ohutut keskkonda, kus on võimalik teha vigu ilma eludega riskimata. Selliseks keskkonnaks sobib ühe variandina sõjamäng. Kuid lisaks väljaõppele pakub sõjamäng ka uurimistöö tegemise võimalust.
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