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Period: March 2004; Papers: Večernje Novosti, Politika, Blic, Glas Javnosti, Nacional, Kurir, Balkan, Blic News, Danas, Vreme, NIN, Reporter, Ekonomist; Topics: Arrests, Extradictions, Defence, Investigations, Indictiments, State cooperation, Trial, Sentences, Witnesses, etc...
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Period: February 2004; Papers: Večernje Novosti, Politika, Blic, Glas Javnosti, Nacional, Kurir, Balkan, Blic News, Danas, Vreme, NIN, Reporter, Ekonomist; Topics: Arrests, Extradictions, Defence, Investigations, Indictiments, State cooperation, Trial, Sentences, Witnesses, etc...
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Period: January 2004; Papers: Večernje Novosti, Politika, Blic, Glas Javnosti, Nacional, Kurir, Balkan, Blic News, Danas, Vreme, NIN, Reporter, Ekonomist; Topics: Arrests, Extradictions, Defence, Investigations, Indictiments, State cooperation, Trial, Sentences, Witnesses, etc...
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Period: December 2003; Papers: Večernje Novosti, Politika, Blic, Glas Javnosti, Nacional, Kurir, Balkan, Blic News, Danas, Vreme, NIN, Reporter, Ekonomist; Topics: Arrests, Extradictions, Defence, Investigations, Indictiments, State cooperation, Trial, Sentences, Witnesses, etc...
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The future of the International Criminal Court (ICC) depends on its reputation in Africa. The withdrawal of Burundi, completed in October 2017, is an example of the problems with maintaining the legitimacy of the court on the continent, its major area of operation. If more African states follow, the ICC may not retain the prestige it has tried to build over the last two decades.
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Perspektywy Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego są zależne od jego rangi w Afryce. Wycofanie się Burundi z MTK, zakończone w październiku 2017 r., jest przykładem problemów z legitymizacją Trybunału na kontynencie, który stanowi główne pole jego działania. Jeśli kolejne państwa afrykańskie pójdą śladem Burundi, MTK może nie odzyskać budowanej od dwóch dekad pozycji.
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W Rumunii trwają największe protesty od 1989 r. Obywatelski sprzeciw wywołały dwa pilne dekrety rządowe, uznane za próbę sparaliżowania walki z korupcją, przynoszącej rezultaty już od kilku lat. Manifestacje trwają nadal, mimo wycofania projektów przez rząd. Protestujący uważają ustępstwo za chwilowe, gdyż obawiają się, że politycy partii rządzących, zagrożeni procesami karnymi, podejmą nową próbę zmiany prawa antykorupcyjnego. Pogorszenie wizerunku Rumunii grozi podważeniem jej wiarygodności jako partnera w stosunkach międzynarodowych, co miałoby negatywne konsekwencje także dla Polski.
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The employment system in public health institutions in the Federation of BiH has been the target of well-founded criticism for its lack of transparency for a long time. The recent reform of labor legislation has brought, among other things, an obligation for public health institutions to recruit all new employees through public advertising. This opened a number of new dilemmas, including the issue of the legal status of health workers who have been convicted of criminal offenses, and health workers against whom criminal proceedings are being conducted, when they appear as candidates in recruitment procedures in public health institutions. The analysis of this problem, which included labor and criminal legislation, regulations on personal data protection, but also regulations in the field of health professional law, showed that in the applicable legislation there is no valid legal basis for collection of data on the previous convictions of the candidates or on the criminal proceedings against the candidates by public health institutions in employment procedures.
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From December 2017 through September 2018, as part of the Gender and Justice Project in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Atlantic Initiative facilitated a panel of thirteen judges and prosecutors who developed this Practice Handbook for handling sexual harassment cases. The work of the panel was supported by the Embassy of the Kingdom of Sweden to Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Office of Overseas Prosecutorial Development, Assistance and Training (OPDAT) of the United States Department of Justice. The panelists primarily considered the legal framework, the case law, and the legal aspects of sexual harassment, but they also analyzed psychological and social theories and studies on sexual harassment that are relevant to a comprehensive understanding of the topic and recognition of the individual and social dynamics related to this issue. This Practice Handbook, with references to the law in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), as well as international case law and literature, presents the conclusions, recommendations, and key findings of panelists. The Handbook is divided into seven chapters, to be used together and separately as a resource for handling cases of sexual harassment. Chapter One presents the causes and consequences of sexual harassment and considers the dynamics of harassment, perpetrator profiles, and myths and stereotypes related to gender. Chapter Two outlines the legal framework and case law related to sexual harassment, with respect to establishing liability and presenting evidence in sexual harassment cases. Chapter Three discusses the establishment of civil liability for the existence of sexual harassment as a form of discrimination. Chapter Four introduces the practical elements of the Handbook. Chapter Five and Six present the recommendations of the panel for handling proceedings in criminal sexual harassment cases. Chapters Seven addresses the recommendations of the panel for civil proceedings in sexual harassment cases. Chapter Eight discusses minor offence proceedings for a failure to undertake appropriate measures to prevent sexual harassment. In BiH, sexual harassment was recognized and regulated by law for the first time in 2003 by the Law on Gender Equality, and later by the Law on Prohibition of Discrimination. As of 2016, sexual harassment is also addressed by labor laws at the entity level. However, despite this legislation and numerous activities aimed at supporting gender equality, data from the European Union and the region demonstrate that sexual harassment is a widespread occurrence with serious consequences; and in BiH, sexual harassment receives insufficient attention and is, in many cases, trivialized. Further, because sexual harassment is not appropriately recognized, sexual harassment cases in BiH mostly remain unreported. And though fifteen years have passed since sexual harassment was legally defined in the country, only a handful of cases have been handled by the judiciary, indicating that court practices in this area are inadequately developed. For all these reasons, the Atlantic Initiative has been working since 2014 to build the capacity of judicial institutions in BiH to prevent and recognize sexual harassment. This has resulted in the establishment of a comprehensive prevention mechanism in all judicial institutions in BiH as well as in several higher education institutions. This work on prevention revealed the need for in-depth consideration of both criminal and civil sexual harassment cases, and also the need to engage in capacity building among judges and prosecutors who handle these cases.
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Seksualno uznemiravanje predstavlja globalnu pojavu koja datira vjekovima, a koja se služila za omalovažavanje i ponižavanje žena u radnom kontekstu. Ovoj pojavi se kroz historiju nije pridavala velika pažnja jer su žene i feministkinje bile okupirane ostvarivanjem pristupa tržištu rada i borbom za osnovna prava. Danas se prepoznaje da je seksualno uznemiravanje rezultat rodnih predrasuda prema ženama, koje prevladavaju u svim državama širom svijeta, s manjim ili većim intenzitetom, te postoje jasni koraci da se zaustavi.
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Krivično djelo silovanja čini: ko drugu osobu, upotrebom sile ili prijetnje da će izravno napasti na njezin život ili tijelo ili na život ili tijelo njoj bliske osobe, prisili na spolni odnošaj ili s njim izjednačenu spolnu radnju... (Krivični zakon Federacije BiH, Krivični zakonik Republike Srpske i Krivični zakon Brčko distrikta).
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Since the introduction of the Bologna system of study, the higher education in Montenegro has undergone intensive adaption to the European academic space. This process also revealed systemic problems that are plaguing our higher education institutions. There are three main providers of higher education in Montenegro:• University of Montenegro (UoM), a public university founded in 1974, with 18771 students in the school year 2016/17, and 5881 persons employed in the capacity of academic staff;• Mediteran University, the first private university founded in 2006, with 1601 students and 65 members of academic staff, and• University Donja Gorica (UDG), founded in 2007, with 2216 students and 168 members of academic staff. There are also another ten independent higher education institutions that do not have the status of a university, but operate as independent departments - Faculty of Business and Tourism Budva, Faculty of Montenegrin Language and Literature Cetinje, Faculty of Administrative and European Studies, Faculty of International Management in Tourism and Hospitality Miločer, Faculty for Mediterranean and Business Studies Tivat, Faculty of Management Herceg Novi, Faculty of Business Management Bar, Faculty of Business Economics Bar, Faculty of Transport, Communications and Logistics and Maritime Faculty Bar. Around 1500 students altogether are attending these universities.
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Corruption is a social problem which has existed since ancient times and which is devouring the society from inside at various levels. It is a problem that exists in all modern societies. The perception of citizens, both laic and professional public, is that corruption in Montenegrin society exists at a worrying level, which has spread to the extent that it creates negative matrixes of relations in everyday life. The consequences of this are felt both through moral aspects in the form of ‘distorted consciousness and system of values’, as well as through legal, economic and other parameters. Although corruption exists in society from ancient times, all societies in a principle are always negating the existence of corruption and corruptive practise in general. Especially their holders of public functions and official ‘statistics’. Un-readiness of authorised institutions to deal with problem is certainly one of the most important ailments. Fight against corruption is possible exclusively at all levels. However, for this purpose it is necessary to set also an adequate legal basis in terms of adoption of quality legal acts but also through acceptance of relevant international-law sources. When it comes to Montenegro, this matter is stipulated via certain international sources but also via positive-law regulations (laws)
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Projekat „Monitoring poštovanja ljudskih prava u ustanovama zatvorenog tipa u Crnoj Gori“, u cilju unaprijeđenja poštovanja ljudskih prava osoba smještenih u ove ustanove, izvele su od marta 2011. do kraja marta 2013. nevladine organizacije „Akcija za ljudska prava“ (HRA), kao nosilac projekta, Centar za antidiskriminaciju „EKVISTA“, Centar za građansko obrazovanje (CGO) i Sigurna ženska kuća (SŽK), u saradnji sa Beogradskim centrom za ljudska prava i Letonskim centrom za ljudska prava. Projekat su finansirale Evropska unija posredstvom Delegacije Evropske unije u Crnoj Gori i Ambasada Savezne Republike Njemačke u Podgorici. U okviru projekta, 25. oktobra 2011., zaključen je Sporazum o saradnji između nosioca projekta NVO „Akcija za ljudska prava“, Ministarstva pravde i Zavoda za izvršenje krivičnih sankcija (ZIKS), koji je omogućio posjete tima monitora navedenih nevladinih organizacija objektima ZIKS-a (zatvorima) u Podgorici i Bijelom Polju, uz prethodnu najavu od 24 časa, pristup medicinskoj i dokumentaciji vezanoj za disciplinske postupke pritvorenih i osuđenih lica, predstavljanje izvještaja o posjetama i razgovor o izvještaju na okruglom stolu, izradu priručnika o pravima pritvorenih i osuđenih lica i saradnju na javnoj kampanji čiji je cilj približavanje prava pritvorenih i osuđenih lica široj javnosti. Neposredni cilj monitoringa je bio izrada izvještaja o usvajanju preporuka iz Izvještaja Vladi Crne Gore o posjeti Crnoj Gori Evropskog komiteta za sprječavanje mučenja i nečovječnog ili ponižavajućeg postupanja ili kažnjavanja (CPT) od 15. do 22. septembra 2008. godine (u nastavku: „CPT, Izvještaj o posjeti 2008“) i preporuka Zaštitnika ljudskih prava i sloboda Crne Gore (Ombudsmana). Izvještaj je objavljen na okruglom stolu 21. juna 2012. godine u prisustvu predstavnika uprave ZIKS-a, ministra pravde i predstavnika Delegacije EU. Pored ocjene primjene preporuka CPT-a i Ombudsmana, NVO monitoring tim je dao ukupno 164 preporuke za unaprijeđenje poštovanja ljudskih prava u zatvorima u skladu s međunarodnim standardima i preporukama. Neke od preporuka bile su i ponovljene preporuke CPT-a i Ombudsmana. Na kraju projekta, 27. marta 2013. godine, predstavljene su završne ocjene NVO monitoring tima o primjeni preporuka, uz učešće predstavnika uprave zatvora, pomoćnice ministra pravde na čelu Direktorata za izvršenje krivičnih sankcija Ministarstva pravde i šefa Delegacije EU u Crnoj Gori. U ovoj publikaciji objavljujemo izvještaj iz juna 2012. godine („Izvještaj o poštovanju prava pritvorenih i osuđenih lica u Zavodu za izvršenje krivičnih sankcija“) sa tabelom koja sadrži 164 preporuke i ocjenu njihove primjene do kraja projekta u martu 2013. godine. Sastavni dio izvještaja su i rezultati istraživanja među osuđenicima „Poštovanje ljudskih prava u Zavodu za izvršenje krivičnih sankcija – stavovi osuđenika“ iz marta i aprila 2012. godine. U okviru projekta je izrađena i brošura o osnovnim pravima za zatvorenike i zatvorenice na crnogorskom, engleskom i albanskom jeziku, kao i kratki dokumentarni film. Upravi zatvora su dostavljene i knjige „Sprječavanje zlostavljanja i mučenja – priručnik za policiju i zatvorsko osoblje“, dr Ivana Jankovića i Radmile Dragičević-Dičić, koji je izdao Beogradski centar za ljudska prava 2011. godine, kao i publikacija „Zabrana mučenja i drugog zlostavljanja – zbirka izabranih presuda Evropskog suda za ljudska prava“, urednika Žarka Markovića, izdanje Akcije za ljudska prava, 2013. godine. Saradnja sa Ministarstvom pravde i upravom ZIKS-a na ovom projektu je bila izuzetna i predstavlja primjer konstruktivne saradnje državnih organa sa nevladinim organizacijama. Rezultati ovog projekta su zajednički. Na strpljenju i vremenu koje su posvetili projektu posebno zahvaljujemo Dušku Markoviću, ministru pravde i ljudskih prava i potpredsjedniku Vlade Crne Gore, Slavici Rabrenović, pomoćnici ministra pravde na čelu Direktorata za izvršenje krivičnih sankcija Ministarstva pravde, Miljanu Peroviću, direktoru ZIKS-a, Milanu Tomiću, pomoćniku direktora ZIKS-a, Urošu Bogavcu, načelniku KPD-a u prvoj fazi projekta, Milanu Radoviću, načelniku KPD-a u drugoj fazi projekta, Katarini Mitrović, načelnici zatvora za kratke kazne, Branislavu Petroviću, načelniku zdravstvene službe, Radoslavu Sekuloviću i Željku Redžiću, rukovodiocima službe obezbjeđenja, Žani Asanović, sekretarici direktora ZIKS, Anki Cerović, iz pravne službe ZIKS-a i Mušiki Dujoviću, predsjedniku Višeg suda u Podgorici. Hvala na povjerenju svim službenicima ZIKS-a koji su razgovarali sa nama i posebno svima koji su učestvovali u našoj anketi o stavovima osuđenika. Na podršci zahvaljujemo i Delegaciji Evropske komisije u Crnoj Gori, posebno Mitji Drobniču, šefu Delegacije, Albertu Kamarati, šefu sektora za politiku, evropske integracije i privredu i Jadranki Milić, zaduženoj za nadzor nad ovim projektom, kao i Ambasadi Savezne Republike Njemačke, posebno Veri Bordfeld, zamjenici ambasadora i Smilji Goli.
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By negotiating the post-Brexit trade and cooperation agreement (TCA), the EU and the United Kingdom (UK) sought to maintain the effectiveness of cooperation in surrendering persons to criminal proceedings. However, the rules contained in the TCA are a manifestation of the weakening of trust between the participating states. While the procedures will remain swift, simplified extradition will be less frequent and rely on the goodwill of the states to a larger extent.
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On 17 March, the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued arrest warrants for Russian President Vladimir Putin and the Commissioner for Children’s Rights in his office, Maria Lvova Belova, officially the Russian ombudswoman for children’s rights. Both are suspected of committing war crimes by the ICC Prosecutor’s Office. The ICC’s step against Putin is an important gesture that shows that the court does not shy away from prosecuting even the highest officials. However, enforcing the warrants will be difficult given that both individuals will avoid countries where they could be arrested and transferred to the court’s custody.
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A Manhattan grand jury has indicted former U.S. President Donald Trump on 34 criminal charges brought by the New York District Attorney of falsifying business records. This is the first time in U.S. history that a former president has been indicted. While this case is purely criminal, it will be heavily politicised by Republicans and Trump himself. He has the best chance of winning the Republican Party nomination in the primaries, which start in February 2024.
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From the first days of Russia’s latest aggression against Ukraine, it has been using terror against the civilian population as a strategy of pressure on the Ukrainian society and government. The crimes revealed at the beginning of April in towns near Kyiv, including in Bucha, are confirmation of this Russian policy. Once the evidence is gathered, the aim of the international community should be to bring those responsible to justice.
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Ali Kushayb, wanted since 2007 by the International Criminal Court (ICC) in connection with his role in the war in Darfur, Sudan, has been arrested and taken to The Hague. His arrest increases the likelihood of the extradition of the overthrown president of Sudan, Omar al-Bashir, and at the same time, strengthens the court in the face of the dispute with the United States.
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Wielka ława przysięgłych na Manhattanie postawiła byłemu prezydentowi USA Donaldowi Trumpowi 34 zarzuty karne sformułowane przez prokuratora Nowego Jorku, dotyczące fałszowania dokumentów biznesowych. Jest to pierwszy w historii USA przypadek oskarżenia byłego prezydenta. Sprawa ma kryminalny charakter, ale będzie wykorzystywana politycznie przez Republikanów i samego Trumpa, który ma obecnie największe szanse na zdobycie nominacji Partii Republikańskiej w prawyborach w lutym 2024 r.
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