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K PITANJU O ULOZI LIČNOSTI U ISTORIJI
Foreword and translation from Russian by Veljko Ribar. Published in Yugoslavia by KULTURA in 1959
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Foreword and translation from Russian by Veljko Ribar. Published in Yugoslavia by KULTURA in 1959
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There is no personality without identity. Not only that identity is the most essential characteristic of personality, but every other identity is also based on personal identity. Personal identity is a set of an individual’s significant features. Personal identity requires certain consistency, predictability and uniqueness. Yet it is those three characteristics that are hardly adjustable to political life. Not many politicians are able to carry them and effectuate them. Politicians and politics are more comfortable with collective identities. For them it both a chance and an alibi to compensate the lack of willingness to maintain personal identity in a way in which such an identity requires. It is a form of hiding and losing of ‘I’ into ‘us’. Politicians in that way relieve themselves of individual responsibility, but also the responsibility of the office they hold. Politicians have a great mismatch of professional and political identity, especially having in mind that politicians cannot stick to the logic of profession, nor to rely on consciousness. It is an example how professional identity is used and misused in politics. Political identity is often tested between the change in personality and change of personality. Politicians are often prone to change of personality, but unable for a change in personality. In crisis situations, they are also able to reject personal identity and to scarify it for the interests of a group or organization they belong to. Politicians lose difference between identity and identification, i.e. they are most often prone to quickly adjust to new circumstances and then to identify even with opinions, views or orientations to which they have never previously belonged. In other words, when it comes to identity, politicians are more prone to adjusting than to personal autonomy.
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Considerations on the possibility of emancipation from power characteristic for contemporary Western societies. The author focuses on the typical for this concept method of combining reflection on the history to date (genealogical investigations) with reflection on the possible form of release from certain types of dependence, and which emancipation groups would be able to accomplish this task.
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In this paper I discuss the concept of social asymmetry as a relation between the individual and society, but also as an intrinsic characteristic of society. I intend to analyze the relevance of the term to the fields of political science (descriptive, factually committed) and to political philosophy (normative, concerned with the difference between individuals with different values and options, the way in which factuality is regulated by the type of society).The term social asymmetry may be relevant in social ethics, as dependent on factors such as justice, freedom, truth, law, quality of life, etc. The present study highlights two types of social asymmetry: an irreversible one, one of totalitarian societies, and another, a reversible one, inherent in democratic societies.I consider that social asymmetry was at the basis of political upheaval in the communist bloc of the nineties. The balance of any society is ontological, meta-social, centered on the human person. The ontological dimension seen as an existential equilibrium among a multitude of non-quantifiable parameters is the one that sorts the type of society and determines its type of asymmetry.
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The debates about the relation between the national and European identity have recently gained a new impetus as a result of the growing national populism within the EU. In this regard, the article aims at elaborating the points of resemblance and dissonance between the identity-patterns of the two collective identities construction. In addition, it raises the question about the relation between national and European identity – do they compete with each other or they are parts of a bigger postmodern identity mosaic? In the first part of the research the main structural elements taking part in the National identity construction are discussed making a parallel with the European identity composition. In the second part of the text a more detailed analyses on the ethnic and civic model of identity construction is offered revealing two levels at which European identity is being created. Given that the majority of the academic work on the topic is more statistically or case orientated the article might be of interest due its fundamental approach.
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The issue of gender justice has drawn the attention of gender scholars as does gender equality a justice or civilization. Because of this, the paper examined women and gender equality justice or civilization. In discussing these gender issues, several documents, reports, newspapers, magazines, archives, articles, journals, among others, were systematically reviewed to support the argument. Two theories were used in supporting the argument. These are Islamic Feminist and Liberal Feminist theories. The assumptions of these theories centered on gender equality and gender justice in society. The study found that gender equality is not civilization but justice. This is of the fact that both men and women are born equal and need equal justice for the development of the nation. The paper recommended that men and women should be given equal opportunity in all aspects of life in order to ensure gender justice. Parents and religious leaders should adhere to the principles of gender equality for the betterment of society.
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The question of the correlation between Islam, political Islam and liberal democracy has so far been the most exposed topic in exploring the democratic capacity of political Islam and Islamic societies in general. What is particularly intriguing about the relationship between political Islam and liberal democracy is the fact of its westernized triviality that has received a pejorative tone in Islamic political circles. Simplified, the triviality of liberal democracy for the Islamic political campus implies imposing a model of democracy that cannot be fully compatible with the original Muslim notion of society and government. Hence, the following paper analyzes exactly the relations of political Islam to specific inherent categories of liberal democracy such as the rule of law, representative government, the separation of powers and secularism as diferenta specifica of liberal western democratic discourse. Through the methods of induction and deduction, the author will illustrate how appropriate tangent or divergence is illustrated and how this is reflected in the general ideological positioning of political Islam towards liberal democracy in Muslim countries through an axiological and praxeological perspective.
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The constitutional changes of 1989 in Kosovo, in addition to physical, political andpsychological pressure, exerted social pressure through job dismissals. Job dismissalsbecame a “normal” process, becoming a common way of exercising social pressure.In all these impossibilities in front of which a whole society is placed, self-organization oropposition through self-acting is expressed.In this course, the collapsed life on every sphere, and precisely this collapse burdened evenmore the daily life of these citizens, imposing reflection on these inabilities.While therepressive state was exclusive, degrading, and denigrating for a category of the society,precisely this category got self-integrated through resistance, which can not be calledotherwise but self-organization.In this flow, many subsequent developments came to the fore,such as the comprehensive mobilization of the society, so that individual tasks became selfvoluntarycollective duties and obligations.To this society, faced with such a situation, Solidarity was undoubtedly imposed in every areaof life, having the course from similarities, and “solidarity that comes from similarities is atits maximum when the collective conscience completely wraps up all our conscience andcomplies with it on all points” (Durkheim, 2004).
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The question of how rising atavistic nationalism will affect democracies worldwide is an essential one of our time. In this paper, I focus instead on conducting a comparative historical analysis of atavistic nationalism in two unrecognized states: North Cyprus and Taiwan. I argue that the democratic crisis of our times is, in its essence, economic and has been precipitated by the failure of democracies to build domestic capacities to support democratic values. Furthermore, I posit that engaging populaces at the local political level will prove essential to preserving democracies around the world. I conclude by underlining that atavistic nationalism is indeed a significant threat to regional and global peace and requires further co-operation on trade and governance, and should be engaged at the local level. Lastly, I suggest that co-creating local cultures that will act to soften atavistic nationalism, which feeds off the perception of threats and fear.
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The intense and dichotomous relationship between orientalism and classicism that has been created over the last decades of the XX century, reaches new dimensions through the rapid scientific growth, the discoveries of new historical sources and artifacts, and, most importantly, through the paradigms change in many scientific disciplines. This development is also influenced by the rapid and multifaceted societal transformations in the intensively globalizing world of the new millennium. In this context, the paper explores the new understandings of these two important conceptions in the research of the past, and their redefined scope and relation in the light of the globalization theories and through the paradigm of ancient globalization.
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The COVID-19 has renovated the debate about global health governance. Many scholars have proposed that the World Health Organization (WHO) should assume the position of a central coordinator with hierarchical powers. This article presents four main objections to this project: the problems with ‘one-size-fits-all’ policies, the heterogeneous distribution of power within multilateral institutions, the risks of crowding out parallel initiatives, and the democratic principle. Testing the WHO’s ability as a provider of technical information, an OLS regression, analyzing the first year of the coronavirus health crisis, from January 2020 to January 2021, in 37 countries reported in the World Values Survey Wave 7, shows a negative relationship between the population trust in the WHO and the number of cases of COVID-19. This indicates that there is a valid case for countries to strengthen the WHO’s mandate, but not to create a hierarchical global health structure.
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Modern societies are associated with the constant flow and acceptance of information and communication technologies at home, in the workplace, in the process of education, even in recreational activities. The development of new technologies has not only challenged human rights, but also politics and society in general. Even more importantly, this new technological level has also empowered transnational corporations operating in the digital environment as hosting providers to perform quasi-public functions in the transnational context. New technologies have the potential to make significant positive contributions to the prevention, promotion, and protection of human rights and democratization, decentralization, and digitalization of politics and the advancement of society as a whole.
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The International scientific conference "Disinformation: the new challenges" brought together 16 participants - established researchers, PhD students and journalists - from Bulgaria, USA, Canada, Germany. The presented papers reflect various aspects of the problem of disinformation: the impact of disinformation on political processes, regulatory approaches to curbing disinformation, journalistic practice of fact-checking and debunking disinformation, the role of social media in disseminating and amplifying disinformation.
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In the proposed text is sought to answer the question of whether and when we can talk about serialization in the international information flow. An attempt has been made for some systematization of the possible types of serialization, among which the anniversaries stand out. There are two major branches – the traditional serialization and the one generated by the possibilities of new technologies. The example with the ‘Tiananmen Papers’ is considered in more detail. It is also worth noting the borrowing serialization, shown in two examples of connecting processes in the present with such from the recent or very distant past.
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Modern Mimesis: Self-Reflexivity in Literature is a passionate defence of philology that traverses the distances from Ancient Hellas to present-day Japan, from Ulysses to robots. This movement follows a logic described by the author as reconceptualization, and creates conceptual nodes configured through horizontal and vertical, temporal and spatial self-reflexive reduplications. The broad arc from the libraries of Alexandria and Pergamum to the mimetic valleys of robotics thus turns out to be underpinned by the reconceptualization of the ancient dispute between ‘analogy’ and ‘anomaly’, turning any attempt at ordering into an ‘endless series of rearrangements’.
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In the end of September 2021 one of the celebrations of the academic community took place – colleagues and friends congratulated prof. Lilyana Deyanova with the publishing of the anniversary anthology ‘Time and Memory’. Compilers and organizers of the academic celebration are Maya Grekova, Petya Kabakchieva, Momchil Hristov, Milena Yakimova.
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The article considers the phenomenon of collective memory as a resource of social interaction, legitimization of social practices. In particular, attention is paid to aspects of reconfiguration of the content of the collective memory of the Soviet and post-Soviet periods. Societies remember differently. Ukrainian society has a traumatic social experience gained as a result of the transformational processes of the collapse of the Soviet Union, the formation of an independent state, a democratic political order. The phenomenon of memory is considered in more detail on the example of the results of the study of collective memory reflected in anecdotes. The authors noted that the anecdote is a mechanism for translating cultural meanings into the memory of societies. The anecdote represents the symbolic systems of objective manifestations of collective memory. Based on the analysis of the results of the research by the method of content analysis using the online program Voyant Tools, reconfigurations of the content of anecdotes were recorded: from political to private; from local toponymic discourse to global; from ridiculing the policy of the state to the experience of society through the humor of the historical events of the formation of independent Ukraine.
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This paper offers an overview of some of the main aspects of the theoretical debate on representation. The section presented here is mainly illustrative in terms of some of the theoretical foundations on which later authors engaged specifically in discussing the phenomenon of representation in contemporary media build (a topic addressed in another text). The analysis focuses on the ways in which representation has been discussed in texts by Roland Barthes, Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault and others. The emphasis is on problematizing the possibilities of representation by means of language.
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The text offers a review of Prof. Miglena Nikolchina's monumental study "God with Machine: Subtracting the Human", dedicated to fundamental theoretical conceptualizations around anthropological issues. The review dwells in particular on the central conceptual paradox outlined in Prof. Nikolchina's book, namely the double determination of man as "a being who wants to be human" and “being who does not want to be human”
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A large number of oral stories about Prince Miloš Obrenović (1780–1860) are preserved as an integral part of wider biographical, autobiographical, memoir, diary, historiographical, epistolary, travel and documentary sources. By identifying and separating anecdotes, historical legends, life stories and proverbs from the tissues of more elaborate narrative units, an extensive corpus is formed in which, through a series of narratives and variants, the narrated biography of Prince Miloš develops in the spheres of his military, political, diplomatic, social and private life. Given the fact that Prince Miloš appears as a very attractive and stimulating person for narrative shaping, the examples of his special administrative and judicial practice, which are characterized by elements of humorous, unusual, witty, but also arbitrary, unscrupulous and cruel treatment emerge as particularly interesting topics. He becomes a type to which are connected themes and motifs well known not only in the domestic tradition but also in the international narrative fund.
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