CARLAS SCHMITTAS IR POLITINIS ROMANTIZMAS: NAUJAS LIETUVOS POLITINĖS FILOSOFIJOS TYRINĖJIMŲ PUSLAPIS
Chronicles C. Schmitt and Political Romanticism: a New Page in Lithuanian Enquiries of Political Philosophy
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Chronicles C. Schmitt and Political Romanticism: a New Page in Lithuanian Enquiries of Political Philosophy
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The unsigned editorial in partisan Moscovite journal "Communist", reproduced below with minor reductions, deals with allegations, particularly those coming from the reform-communist party and addressed to the Soviet Union, saying that the realities of the USSR, the sp-called "Real Socialism", do not correspond to the image of a communist society as designed by the classics of Marxism. The purpose of the statements of the Communist may be to provide party propagandists with ideological equipment; The article also unintentionally contains the admission that the ever-widening gap between ideal and reality is increasingly troubling the party leadership. The method used by the author of the article mainly amounts to a kind of "reinterpretation" of the meaning of Marxist theory. Particularly noteworthy in this context is the claim that between the proclamation of an ideal and its realization is a "historical distance, which is filled with struggle and building activity. But it was precisely this circumstance that critics of "real socialism" took advantage of by pointing to today's, in many respects still "unfinished states". But these differences between theory and reality would take so long for communism to be realized throughout the world. SOURCE: Socialističeskij ideal i real’nyj socializm [Das sozialistische Ideal und der reale Sozialismus], in: Kommunist, Nr. 11; 1, Juli 1979, S. 11-24)
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Review of: Wolfgang Kersting "Wohlgeordnete Freiheit: Immanuel Kants Rechts- und Staatsphilosophie"; Suhrkamp Frankfurt/Main 1993., 544 p. by: Dieter Hüning
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The aim of the paper is to reconstruct and analyze Alvydas Jokubaitis’s understanding of politics. It is argued that Jokubaitis couples politics with morality in opposition to the liberal project of the autonomy of politics, which seeks to separate these two fields of human activity. According to Jokubaitis, politics is a realm of realization of the spiritual side of human nature. That is the reason why, through morality, he also tries to align politics with other domains of human spirituality, such as religion and metaphysics. What is common to politics, morality, religion, and metaphysics is the sphere of normativity, i.e., that of purposes, principles, and imperatives. At the same time, Jokubaitis attacks those schools of modern thought which interpret politics as corresponding solely to the physical, animal side of human nature. In this regard, positivism and scientism are singled out as the crudest attempts to misconstrue the nature of politics. The paper is based on a conviction that the acknowledgement of the importance of morality allows one to piece together Jokubaitis’s various considerations about the nature and distinctiveness of politics into a coherent whole.
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In this paper, the concept of creative emotion (émotion créatrice) and the understanding of democracy, which arises out of it, in the philosophy of Bergson is analysed. This specific emotion does not depend on an object’s intellectual representation; therefore, Bergson refers to it as “supra-intellectual.” Contrary to the usual “infra-intellectual” emotions, it is primary in regard of the mind and the will, and it comprises the fundamental matrix of creative acts of the human being. Creative emotion is one of the forms of the intuition of duration that is rooted in élan vital. It not only determines the essential changes in the fields of art, religion or science, but also re-configures the political rationality by revealing a deeper form of sociality. Thus, the presumed anti-sociality of the philosophy of Bergson is denied. In his last work, The Two Sources of Morality and Religion, Bergson shows how creative emotion transforms understanding of democracy and how it turns this political conception into a dynamic movement corresponding to the deep process of the human being and the whole reality.
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In this study, moving from the French philosopher Louis Althusser’s posthumously published texts The Underground Current of the Materialism of the Encounter and Machiavelli and Us, we will try to reflect on the potentialities of a radical politics in the current conjuncture. Proposing that these texts correspond to a new and unexpected position in Althusser's philosophical pursuit and in his effort to reflect on the conditions of political practice, we will be looking for ways to improve this position towards an “aleatory politics” by means of thinking not only of Althusser but also with and in spite of him. In such a conjuncture in which authoritarian leaders and regimes are on the rise in different parts of the world in parallel with the decline of the left politics and the catastrophe created by the global pandemic articulated with the destructiveness of neo-liberalism, we will examine the potentialities of Althusser's new position to reconsider a radical politics outside the status quo. In this way, we will also have the opportunity to rethink Althusser as an up-to-date philosophical figure.
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My goal is to analyze what is the best response we can offer to three challenges – path dependence, the violence of power and the presence of competing theories – that manifest in each of the three essential areas of a community's life: morals, politics, judiciary. I also talk about how we can coordinate our choices in the three areas between them, and I look at the aggregation of our choices at the community level. I point out that respect for human rights is the criterion on which the degree of success of our choices can be assessed at each of the stages mentioned.
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In today's liberal democracies we face the deficit of care in various forms in specific areas of our social life. In the mainstream of social and political philosophical thinking, there are no concepts that would examine care as a moral, political, and social practice at the same time. Creating effective strategies and making changes that would be an adequate response to the deficit of care requires the identification and application of effective theoretical tools for the study, analysis, and understanding of this complex phenomenon. The article presents the current feminist ethics of care as a theory in the space of feminist thinking, that offers inspiring and useful conceptions in this context. The text focuses on the analysis of the moral and political theory of care, as elaborated by the American philosopher Joan Tronto (1993, 2013), one of the leading representatives of the current feminist ethics of care. Author explained how Tronto´s concept makes it possible to understand how the deficit of care conditions the crisis of care in their various forms, and how this deficit is linked to the deficit of democracy and the crisis of the trust in democratic institutions. The article examined how careful research of care and critical analysis of the power relations as a part of its context are a prerequisite for the democratization of care practice. It is concluded that the research practices enabling contextual and critical understanding of the particular care practice, could be a starting point for social change toward better care and more democratically caring society.
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The article explores the specifics of philosophizing in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. Various versions of comprehension of a new reality, expressed by famous thinkers, are analyzed. The specificity of social and personal life is shown in the context of the theory of viral modernity in combination with the experience of global digital control. The modern pandemic situation has been rethought as an extraordinary event, which, in contrast to the temporality of familiar experience, radically changes the sense of time in the conditions of daily life of covid.
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Man is a religious being and Fascism, Communism, National-socialism, the multicultural, Feminism can be viewed through its lens. There is one secular religion that allows today the thought of many people, this is the ideology of progress, which has its roots in Christianity but manifests itself in many anti-Christian forms. This paper presents a comprehensive view of this trans-ideological ideology of progress that can be found almost everywhere.
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The lack of transparency of decision-making processes typical of liberal democracies and the related crisis of citizens' trust in political institutions are among main reasons for the success of illiberal democratic parties. According to critics of liberalism, too many decisions today are delegated to bodies that are not democratically supervised. The proponents of the concept of deliberative democracy formulate various remedies for this situation. However, this is not the case of the most popular version of deliberative democracy today – the systemic approach to deliberative democracy. The author of the article claims that this approach may legitimize "undemocratic liberalism" - one of the causes of the current crisis of liberal democracy. The aim of the article is to present and criticize the systemic approach account of the role of democratically unattended expert bodies in the political system.
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The illiberal democracy is the political system where majority of citizens rule, but where is not the freedom of consciousness or where the liberal dividing of power is absent. In the modern history of Europe the best example of this political system we find in the Calvinist Republics as Geneva, Emden and Netherlands. It’s not the democracy in the contemporary meaning of this word because the notion of “citizen” is aristocratic. The citizens are the members of aristocracy and patricians of towns. But in this time the citizens are the people only. This system is not liberal, because the Catholics are persecuted. The aim of this text is the presentation vision and ideology of theses Republics. It’s the mixture of sovereignty of the people-citizens with the theocratic tendency of Calvinism. In the theory of Calvin, and in the practice of theses Republics we are the tension between the “too swords”: spiritual (Calvinist consistories) and temporal (political power). In the literature we are many of allusions that the theological-political thought of Jean Calvin is inspired by medieval papal theocracy. It’s theocracy with “purified” Word of God, and inspired by the fear of the “caesaropapism”. This fear was just. Every theocratic rule in the Calvinist republican regime is finished by the supremacy of temporal swords. This text present the process of change from papocaesarism to caesaropapism in every republican case.
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TZVETAN TODOROV starb am 7. Februar 2017. Was hat er uns hinterlassen? Was bleibt? Die These der nachfolgenden Überlegungen lautet: Mehr noch als seine spezifischen Beiträge zur Literatur- und Kulturtheorie sowie zur Geschichte der Philosophie ist TODOROVS intellektueller Ansatz sein eigentliches Erbe.
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Anthropocene, as scholars generally label the current era of human civilization, represents an environment in which the society, globally operating within the framework of neoliberal capitalism, is confronted with the global climate crisis. Consequently, the fundamental existential assumptions of the current economic-political system and global civilization are at stake. The paper aims to outline the philosophical background, threats and challenges of political philosophy in the anthropocene era; a philosophy, which is nevertheless able to reflect the relationship between global capitalism and the global environmental crisis in the 21st century. The study is constructed from post-Marxist, neo-Gramscian and neo-Malthusian political-philosophical positions and, in general, from the perspective of environmental alarmism, which is critical to established social, economic and political systems in terms of their long-term sustainability. We use the analytical method, and critical and normative-ontological approach in the study. We defend the hypothesis that the global environmental crisis and the probable global climate collapse cannot be sustainably solved within the logic of the established global economic system and its structural conditions. Therefore, global capitalism is unsustainable in the long run in all three of its components: environmental, social, and economic.
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In our study on current views on the position of power in politics, we were based on a number of modern political theories, where the fundamental aspect of modern power and politics is conflict and the aim of politics is to gain and retain power. The constitutional position of power in these theories is characterized as a „goal about itself“. Power is a goal, it is not an instrument of politics. Political philosophy from Hobbees to Nozick rejects theories that give politics (or political power) higher goals. We analysed new concepts of the position of power in political relations (Badiou, Oakeshott, Balibar, Ranciere, Shapiro), leading to a new concept of politico. We have concluded that the perception of power is gradually taking shape, which represents a categorical turnaround compared to the understanding of modern power and politics as conflict. The basis for the new perceptualisation of power is the change in its existing constitutional position within political relations - as an objective. The new concepts of power and politics represents a power that has undergone conversion on the basis of a new understanding of political objectivity and does not involve conflict between opposites and coercion or violence.
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In spite of a growing number of contemporary publications in the field of political philosophy that are dedicated to the concept of honor and to it’s analysis, there still is a lack of a systemic presentation of the conceptual field of honor itself. Political theorists and philosophers that treat the subject of honor state out their definitions of honor and compare them with one another, yet a general overview of the competing definitions and their critical comparison is still a rarety. A systemic presentation of all prominent contemporary philosophical studies that treat the concept of honor is useful in two ways. It facilitates the understanding of the main arguments that determine different definitions of honor, as well as it identifies major polemical issues that set the different concepts of honor apart. This article suggests two main arguments – a critical and an adaptational – for interpreting and comparing the different concepts of honor in contemporary political philosophy. Structuring the conceptual field of honor with these two arguments offers an analytic tool for further analyses of honor that are based on concrete polemical issues. It also gives a new perspective to explain the reemergence of honor in contemporary political philosophy.
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This article reflects upon social justice, which is the essence of the Indian Constitution. To protect the social order of the society, it is the duty of the state to promote social justice for equal opportunity and equal rights for social, economic and political development. This paper makes an attempt to explore the concept of social justice through the lenes of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. Thereafter, it focuses on his struggles and ideas on social justice in the Indian context and it try to explore the relevance of his concept of social justice in the present times.
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It can be said that he developed the idea of non-governmental organizations with the neo-liberalism approach. The most important part of this thought is that the state shares its power and authority with other actors. The state prefers to act as an arbitrator by delegating new duties to non-governmental organizations together with other actors. It can be said that non-governmental organizations are trying to fill the gap created by the withdrawal of the state from the market over time and the abandonment of the privatization and welfare state understanding. In this study, it will be tried to emphasize the positive effect of non-governmental organizations in eliminating and repairing the problems of neo-liberalism in practice, as well as the social aspect of the state.
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The population policy in Serbia proper and in Voivodina, on the one hand, and this policy in Kosovo, on the other, is analyzed in the present article on the ground of four ethical principles, namely: (I) that is ethical which has a universal human validity; (II) lack of domination over people and recognition of man’s freedom; (III) the sense of man’s responsibility, and (IV) human autonomy. In both cases there is a lack of necessary balance: in one case it is expressed as depopulation or insufficient natural growth, while in the other it is evaluated as excessive demographic explosion. While analyzing the causes of these two situations, the author evaluates the population policy in accordance with mentioned ethical norms. It is inacceptable not only on political, economic, socio- psychological, but also on the ethical grounds because it does not create equal conditions for the development of creative potentials of the entire populat ion of Serbia - which should be the basic principle of modem ethical consciousness.
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