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U društvenim i političkim znanostima već dugo postoji određeno žaljenje što se s društvima, kulturama i državama kao cjelinama ne mogu provoditi kontrolirani eksperimenti.
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U društvenim i političkim znanostima već dugo postoji određeno žaljenje što se s društvima, kulturama i državama kao cjelinama ne mogu provoditi kontrolirani eksperimenti.
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U romanu As intermitencias da morte (Kolebanje smrti), Jose Saramago pripovjeda priču o zemlji u kojoj ljudi iznenada prestaju umirati. Smrt tako gubi središnju ulogu koju je imala u ljudskom životu. U prvo vrijeme stanovnici te zemlje obuzeti su osjećajem euforije...
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The article reviews the freedom of oeuvre issue in the teaching of M. Heidegger, in particular according to his understanding of notions of tradition, free thinking, creative digestion, just and false, et cetera. Subjects of analysis include the philosopher’s approach to definition of being and matter, subjectivity and objectivity, and their relation with freedom of oeuvre.
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In his dissenting opinion in Lochner v. New York case, O. W. Holmes famously stated that general propositions do not decide concrete cases. There are many others who claim similarly. Among them F. Schauer states that such concepts as liberty, equality do not strongly determine answers in legal questions – although not totally vague, they require additional premises in order to be applied in concrete cases. This study, among other questions, focuses on what these additional premises are when it comes to application of legal principles. Besides this, a goal is raised to seek out what views on application of legal principles are dominating in jurisprudence. Perhaps the most important topic in the study is the matter of two perspectives to reasoning with legal principles. One of them is linked with judicial restraint, it is based on a view that contents of a legal principle can be discovered through earlier cases where it made impact on decisions of judges or legislators. The other perspective is based on argument that positive law (the official and explicit legal texts) is not sufficient for proper dispute resolution and this is where legal principles come to aid – they are the artery through which law is supplied with moral, practical reasons. Based on these views the reconstructive and developmental method to apply principles are contemplated. The former is perceived as analysis and comparison of earlier cases where the disputed principle had impact on judge‘s or legislator‘s decision. Among factors which ought to be evaluated are similarity of these cases to the case which is being dealt with and how widespread is the principle (the variety of these cases). The developmental method is characterized as relying on factors which lie beyond boundaries of formal explicitly expressed law (practical arguments, arbitrator‘s inner sense of justice, etc.). Proper application of this method inter alia can be ensured by the principles of J. Rawls‘ inner position, by arbitrator‘s dissociation from peripheral inappropriate, subjective factors. Evaluation of these methods leads to conclusion that the reconstructive method contributes to legal certainty, easier foreseeing of judicial decisions, includes lesser risk of impartiality and similar factors, so it is superior when there is no or minimum need to develop the law. However, developmental method has the advantage of ensuring material justice and practical outcomes of judicial decision when it comes to cases where there is a strong need to develop the law.
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This review essay takes a critical look at two recently published edited volumes, both focusing on the notion and problems of solidarity. Solidarity: Theory and Practice (Laitinen and Pessi, eds.) attempts to unpack the complex idea of solidaristic practice by looking at a whole range of related concepts, such as the social brain, collective intentionality, empathy, work, and voluntary organizations. The Strains of Commitment: The Political Sources of Solidarity in Diverse Societies (Banting and Kymlicka, eds.), on the other hand, focuses on a concrete problem: the generation and maintenance of redistributive solidarity within societies marked by diversity. Still, both volumes take a thorough and systematic look at existing scholarship on solidarity, and by encompassing both the theoretical and the empirical, mark a significant step forward in deepening our understanding of the role and place of solidarity in general social theory.
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The text presents an overview of Jean-Luc Nancy’s positions on the issues of sense and meaning in contemporary world, philosophy, and theory at large. It particularly examines the political and ethical aspects of Nancy’s work from the 1980’s and the 1990’s, and thus not only emphasizes these as central notions and conceptions of his philosophy, but therein also discerns the distinguishing marks of his whole work. To that effect, particular attention is given to Nancy’s concepts of community and the communal, as well as his notions of presence and world.
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The article deals with the interpretations of Pavel Florensky’s Expected Polity in the Future (1993) in Russian contemporary conservative intellectual groups (Zavtra, Izborsk Club, Alexander Prokhanov, Alexander Dugin and the people around him). Neither Dugin nor Prokhanov commented on, evaluated or interpreted Florensky’s Expected Polity in the Future. Dugin is more inclined to associate Florensky with the context of Russia as representing the platonic tradition of philosophy. The polemic of Vitaly Averyanov, Deputy Chairman of the Izborsk Club, who questions the attribution of Florensky to the representatives of conservatism is also mentioned. Attention is focused on the people around Dugin, the majority of whom are to be related to the website ruskline.ru. This group highlights and supports the role of Florensky as a philosopher who represented the conservative trend. Emphasis is put on the applicability and fitting of Florensky’s ideas (postulation of Russia’s self-isolation, cutting itself off from the West, criticism of representative democracy, a strong state and a single-person rule) in today’s Russia. Also, the personal example of Florensky as a model of the coherence of orthodox spirituality and patriotism is emphasized. In the interpretations of the Expected Polity in the Future, certain repercussions of polemic in the groups of the conservative mind on the Tsarist Russia, Soviet Union and present-day Russia as a continuer of the empire (empires) have been noticed. The authors of this article uphold the view that the interpretations of Expected Polity in the Future often are characterized by “correct reading”, “todayization” – certain preconceived criteria for the evaluation and selection of the philosophical mind in Russian contemporary conservative intellectual groups. The abovementioned elements of the interpretations of Florensky’s Expected Polity in the Future reflect far broader trends of the modern Russian conservative mind, as a field of the search for ideology, in which such thinkers as Ivan Ilyin and Nikolai Berdyaev are involved.
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The aim of the article is to demonstrate that the contact between European philosophy and Chinese culture in the 17th and 18th centuries had an influence on the emergence and development of secularism, which became a distinctive feature of the Western Enlightenment. In the first part, I examine in what way knowledge of the history of China and the Confucian ethics contested the Biblical chronology and undermined faith as a prerequisite for morality. Subsequently, I analyze the attempts to refute these allegations, reinterpreting Confucianism as crypto-monotheism. In the third part, I will show how the debate on Chinese culture has contributed to the birth of the secular philosophy of history, which put an end to the Enlightenment Sinophilia. In conclusion, I will present the main limitations of the thesis about the influence of Chinese thought on the birth of secularism.
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In the first, general part the author starts from the assumption that a small country like FR Yugoslavia cannot realistically expect equality and equal rights in its relations with the USA. Therefore it should be very pragmatic in approaching U.S. However, it does not follow from that that it has no chance whatsoever to stand openly and decisively for its own national-state interests and rights while at the same time it is trying to harmonize them with the interests and rights of the most powerful country. The author also claims that domestic extreme pragmatists underestimate the danger of a principalist reaction of a great part of their own people when they are ready to give in to every and any caprice of U.S His conclusion is that Greece vs. U.S. should be the best example for FRY.vs. U.S. Between FRY and the USA there are often serious misunderstandings, one of the reasons being essential differences in their respective conceptions and practices of the relationships between nation(ality), religion, and state. The last two portions of the text are devoted to the analysis of those misunderstandings and differences.
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The text presents the basic theses involved in elaborating the topic of „Political Thought of French Existentialists in the Works of Yugoslav Praxis-Philosophers“. One representative example is briefly analyzed.
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The paper is an expanded version of the project proposal „Liberal values and political stabilization in Serbia“. The idea of the proposal is to explore the possibilities of acceptance and stabilization of liberal patterns of distribution of social goods in transitional countries, keeping in mind pecularities of the Serbian case. Liberalization of these countries is usually an uneasy and uncertain process. There are two kind paradoxes of liberalization. The first concerns the neccessity of political incentives for depoliticization of several social spheres. The second is related to possible self-destructive performances of liberal institutions in the process of transition. The stabilization of liberal-democracy in transitional countries is dependent on the capacity of institutions to build within themselves the mechanisms for alleviating these uneasinesses. Two of them I find especially important: the system of social responsibilities and public reason.
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It is evident that there is a great number of philosophical-political paradigms existing in contemporary political theory and practice. Each of the paradigms (liberal, radical, conservative, socialist) has certain advantages but also certain dangers. The author argues that their synthesis is necessary if they are to be applied to the present social moment in Serbia. The process of social transformation is specific for every country and each of them ought to find its own model in approaching it. It is the intention of this article to explore a possible synthesis of political paradigms and to propose a way of their merger. Liberal paradigm will, first of all, be taken into consideration, as well as the conservative and contemporary socialist (socialdemocratic) philosophical-political paradigms. The possibility of joining them together will also be taken into account.
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The review of: “Polis i filozofija – Antička filozofija i njen istorijsko-politički horizont” by Vladimir N. Cvetković; Volume I, Službeni list SRJ, Beograd, 2000, str. 331
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The review of article „Eleven objections of dr. Božidar Jakšić“ by Draško Grbić. The article was published in „Philosophy and Society“ number 17, pages 183-202.
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This paper examines the status and the evolution of the concept of struggle for recognition in Hegel’s „Jena system outlines“ („Systementwürfe“) prior to his Phenomenology of Spirit. Hegel’s elaboration of this concept reflects his emancipation from his own earlier philosophical and political conception. The latter has often been described in terms of a „metaphysics of substance“, in which the ontological priority of the state or of the people as an organic whole is established at the expense of the individual and its freedom. On the contrary, the principle of the struggle for recognition developed in the system outlines is the unlimited endeavor of the individual consciousness towards its complete realization, i.e. the very freedom of the consciousness. The struggle for recognition and the dialectics it brings into play allow us to interpret the state itself as a product of the activity of the individuals which constitute it.
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Pro Milone represents an exception in two aspects both among the speeches left to us as Cicero’s life-work. On the one hand, this is the oratio whose original was delivered by the orator in a lost lawsuit, however, later on, guided by political considerations, he published its revised version. On the other hand, Pro Milone is the speech of which we exactly know that the version published by Cicero and left to us is different from the oration given before the court of justice not only in style and structure but in its essence. Pro Milone is an essential constituent part and source of Cicero’s philosophy of the state that produced hardly overestimatable impact on European thinking, that is, in them Cicero as an orator and a politician, trying in vain to get back to the summit of his former influence, formulates his concept on the theory of the state pointing far beyond the handling of the facts of the case and the rhetorical tactics as well as the rhetorical situation, which later on crystallised and constituted the subject matter in his theoretical works.
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In this paper I shall argue that radical epistemic delinking has a key role in liberation from the Colonial Matrix of Power as well as the change in the existing global power relations which are based in the colonialism and maintained through exploitation, expropriation and construction of the (racial) Other. Those power relations render certain bodies and spaces as (epistemologically) irrelevant. In order to discuss possible models of struggle against such condition, firstly I have addressed the relation between de-colonial theories and postcolonial studies, arguing that decolonial positions are both historicising and re-politicising the postcolonial theory. In my central argument I have focused on the epistemic delinking and political implications of decolonial turn. With reference to Grada Killomba I have argued for the struggle against epistemic violence through decolonising knowledge. Decolonising knowledge requires delinking form Eurocentric model of knowledge production and radical dismantling the existing hierarchies among different knowledge. It requires recognition of the ‘Other epistemologies’ and ‘Other knowledge’ as well as liberation from Western disciplinary and methodological limitations. One of the main goals of decolonial project is deinking from the Colonial Matrix of Power. However, delinking is not required only in the areas of economy and politics but also in the field of epistemology.
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Social justice is a fundamental idea of political thinking in modern times, an idea that is widely regarded as a supreme principle for the justification and critique of the legal and political order of contemporary societies. The article aims at explicating this idea by illuminating its conceptual, normative and empirical fundamentals. With this aim in view, it proceeds in four steps: First of all, it clarifies the conceptual framework in which the concept of social justice is embedded; secondly, it proposes a general definition of this concept; thirdly, it deals with the social goods that form the main object of social justice; and fourthly, it gives a rough summary of the most fundamental demands of social justice.
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The aim of the appendix is to show the directions of sociological research of political use of death. There are two related Social Science discourses on death: (1) thanatos sociological, which deals with social inequalities in mortality, and (2) thanatopolitical, in which center is the political instrumentalization of death. It is shown the historical evolution of these relations to death and are considered different theoretical and methodological starting points that explain the political side of death and its symbolic capital. The vision of death has changed, as well as political use of the death. The most attention was devoted to a class tier thanatological differences. Classes do not show only economic inequality, but also the symbolic and cultural inequality, and so they also differ in relation to the death. It is presented a draft for the sociological framework for the study of historical class interests that determine the ideological use of death.
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Cilj priloga je da pokaže pravce sociološkog istraživanja političke upotrebe smrti. Dva su srodna društvenonaučna diskursa o smrti: (1) tanatosociološki, koji se bavi društvenim nejednakostima kod umiranja, i (2) tanatopolitički, u čijem središtu je politička instrumentalizacija smrti. Pokazana je istorijska evolucija pomenutih odnosa prema smrti i razmotrena su različita teorijska i metodska polazišta kojima se objašnjava politička strana smrti i njen simbolički kapital. Menjala se vizija smrti, ali i politička upotreba smrti. Najviše pažnje je posvećeno klasno-slojnim tanatološkim razlikama. Klase ne pokazuju samo ekonomsku nejednakost, nego i simboličku i kulturnu nejednakost, pa se razlikuju i u odnosu prema smrti. Iznet je nacrt sociološkog okvira za istraživanje istorijskih klasnih interesa koji određuju ideološku upotrebu smrti.
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