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U ovom tekstu raspravljaću o »balkanističkom stereotipu« i nekim ideološkim mehanizmima koji se oslanjaju na njega, a na osnovu jednog izbora iskaza, uglavnom uzetih iz mas-medija na slovenačkom i hrvatskom jeziku. Analizirani materijal je izabran intuitivno, zbog njegove paradigmatske, to jest, strukturne vrednosti.
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Ne bi trebalo da nas zavede paradoks, naime, da nacionalisti tvrde da su njihove nacije ukorenjene u drevnosti i da su očigledno prirodne, kada su one, u stvari, sasvim skorašnje nove i neobične konstrukcije. U jednom od svojih poslednjih intervjua, koji je dao Đankarlu Bosetiju (Bosetti) (1993), Karl Poper (Popper) se zalagao za intervenciju u Bosni i za primenu principa »rat ratu« prema terorizmu koji je počeo da se širi u regionu bivše Jugoslavije posle pada komunizma.
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Dana 30. juna 2001. godine, po prvi put u istoriji Beograda, održana je gay parada. Neočekivano, međutim, učesnike parade dočekalo je nasilje – na ulicama su ih napali njihovi sugrađani koji su gay paradu smatrali sramotom za »srpski narod«. Policija je bila pozvana da zaštiti učesnike, ali umesto zaštite – mnogi su bili prebijeni i povređeni. Ovaj esej posvećen je svim učesnicima gay parade – žrtvama policijskog nasilja i nasilja njihovih sugrađana.
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Na poslednjim stranicama knjige Izvori totalitarizma, Hana Arent sumira svoju užasnu priču o erupciji totalitarizma u dvadesetom veku. Ona izjavljuje: Sasvim je u skladu sa čitavom našom filozofskom tradicijom to što ne možemo da pojmimo »radikalno zlo«; ovo važi i za hrišćansku teologiju, koja je čak i đavolu dala nebesko poreklo, i za Kanta, jedinog filozofa koji je, skovavši izraz »radikalno zlo«, morao makar da pretpostavi njegovo postojanje, mada ga je odmah racionalizovao u predstavi o »izopačenoj zloj volji«, koja bi se dala objasniti razumljivim motivima. Tako mi, dakle, nemamo nikakvu potporu kada pokušavamo da razumemo fenomen koji nas suočava sa nadmoćnom stvarnošću i koji ruši sva nama poznata merila. Samo se jedna stvar čini jasnom: možemo reći da se radikalno zlo pojavilo zajedno sa sistemom u kom su svi ljudi postali podjednako suvišni. Manipulatori ovog sistema veruju u sopstvenu suvišnost koliko i u suvišnost svih drugih, a totalitarni dželati su tim opasniji što ne haju za to da li su i sami živi ili mrtvi, da li su ikada živeli ili možda nikada nisu ni rođeni. Fabrike leševa i pećine zaborava opasne su zato što se danas, sa sve većom prenaseljenošću i sa sve većim brojem beskućnika, mase ljudi stalno smatraju suvišnima, bar sa strogo utilitarnog stanovišta. Političke, društvene i ekonomske tendencije širom sveta su u dosluhu sa totalitarnim institucijama koje služe tome da ljude učine suvišnima.
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Hana Arent se ponekad smatra važnim izvorom ili nadahnućem savremene komunitarne političke misli. U tom shvatanju postoji izvesna mera istine, ali misliti o njenoj političkoj teoriji kao izrazito komunitarnoj više je nego pogrešno. Jer, ono što karakteriše komunitarizam kao filosofsko osporavanje liberalizma jeste njegovo naglašavanje toga kako se sopstvo konstituiše kroz kolektivni ili grupni identitet, kao i argument da nedovoljna pažnja prema snazi zajedničkih identiteta obeležava središnji nedostatak liberalno-individualističkih koncepcija političke zajednice.
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Čini se da je karika koja nedostaje, a koja povezuje mladalačke tekstove Hane Arent sa njenim kasnijim, slavnim delima o totalitarizmu, upravo shvatanje ljudskog života kao političkog delovanja koja se otkriva u jeziku neke pripovesti ∞une histoire≤ (story i history). Pre nego što pročitamo njene zrele tekstove, potrebno je, dakle, da se pozabavimo onim što nam izgleda kao apologija pripovedanja kod Hane Arent, a što dijagonalno preseca čitavo njeno istraživanje.
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As some other new notions and phenomena such as clash of civilizations and bioethics, notions post-communism, multiculturalism and globalization has become known only quite recently, during the last decade of the 20th Century. The term post-communism contains the prefix ‘post’ which implies rather negative definition of a global society which comes ‘after communism’, or something which is ‘no-longer-communist-but-notyet- anything-else’. On the other hand, the concept post-communism is one of the current waves of various post-isms which define the contemporary epoch in a negative sense: post-modernism or post-modernity, post-industrialism or post-industrial society, post-capitalism, post-historicism or the end of history etc.
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Like some other new notions and phenomena such as multiculturalism, clash of civilizations, bioethics, the term globalization has become known only quite recently. The terms “globalize” and “globalism” were coined in a treatise published sixty years ago. Although the noun “globalization” first appeared in a Webster’s Dictionary of American English in 1961, as recently as to the mid-1980s, words such as “global”, “globality”, “globalization” and “globalism”, as well as concepts of “global market” or “global ecology” were virtually unknown. Before the last decades of the twentieth century, discussions of world affairs nearly always invoked the vocabulary of “international” rather than “global” relations. Although an Americanism in the first instance, during the last two decades notions of globalization have quickly spread across dozens of other languages. The recent popularity of this new term resulted with numerous controversial definitions of globalization. In normative terms, some people have associated “globalization” with progress, prosperity and peace. For others, however, the word has conjured up deprivation, disaster and doom. No one is indifferent, but many are confused.
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Athens in the classical period of Hellenic history was by far the most developed city of Helena, and its democratic system of making important decisions in the Assembly as well as their implementation, was a role model not only in the Hellenic world. Aristotle does not follow his teacher Plato nor Xenophon who do not discern difference between the system of government in the household and the polis. Polis is the community of equal people where relationships create free citizens who are also representatives of their own households, families or the territorial units (topics). Aristotle in the Rhetoric shares laws into general (natural) and specific, those which individual nations defined to themselves and for themselves which could be written and unwritten. Constitution of Athens is the only surviving piece of the rich Hellenic and legal history. In the following lines we will try to explain what this work contains and why it is important even nowadays after two and a half millennia.
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In The Poverty of Theory (1978) E. P. Thompson after a long period of theoretical silence in Marxist literature – especially “Western Marxism” – brings Friedrich Engels back in the very center of historical-materialist studies. Even though Thompson’s primary preoccupation is focused on a critique of Louis Althusser’s structuralist Marxism, he will simultaneously try to defend historical materialism from abstract and ahistorical theories by using Engels’ empirical template. Following Thompson, and in a similar vein, Marxist economist Paul Sweezy, in his introduction to his Four Lectures on Marxism, will strongly emphasize the importance of Engels’ approach to the dialectics and his critique of mechanistic and reductionist theoretical procedures. In this paper, we will try to briefly examine mentioned epistemological discussions inclined by Engels’ philosophy, but also take into account some of the recent eco-Marxist (John Bellamy Foster, Paul Burkett, Elmar Altvater) and feminist analyses (Lise Vogel, Michèle Barrett) which affirm but also criticize certain aspects of Engels’s social philosophy. In a way, we will try to give an overview and examine Engels’ presence in contemporary philosophy and theory in general, on the 200th anniversary of his birth.
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The paper deals with a relation between historical materialism and idealism – while proving idealism to be a profoundly conservative point of view – proving the thesis through an example of the contemporary political discourse of Zoran Milanović, and his so-called “liberal progressiveness”. Holy Family – Critique of Critical Critique can be read via contemporary examples that supplement materialistic interpretation of liberalism/idealism with the psychoanalytical interpretation of suppression of class conflict. A nature of liberal interpretation of the world vis-à-vis materialistic insights (undoubtedly and with clearness) epistemological and not only by facts – can be seen from The Condition of the Working Class in England, a study of young Engels that will be taken as a foundation of the materialistic understanding of the modernity and related figure of an unaccommodated man. A fundamental possibility of an overcoming of dialectical paradox in the figure of a proletarian as an unaccommodated man (while avoiding idealistic “displacements”), can be found in the development of technology as a possibility of overcoming of the capitalistic mode of production, as a foundation of development and personal freedom that can be achieved only in the community.
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Review of: Lev Kreft - Dvjesto godina Friedricha Engelsa Goran Gretić -Dvjesto godina Friedricha Engelsa Zvonko Posavec -Dvjesto godina Friedricha Engelsa
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The first chapter of the book has multiple goals. It introduces the topics and the chosen title Geography of Barriers and discusses why it is important to study it. It shows how the above-mentioned accessibility of space, services and information depends on various types of barriers. Their influence on policies of accessibility in public space frames the whole book. Thinking about barriers is not limited to the dimension of streets or squares, but considers the broader meaning of barriers: in public buildings, institutions, services, websites, information systems, applications, etc. A barrier does not have to be material, it can be of social, communication, or technological nature. Our book distinguishes among three types of barriers. The first type is represented by those annoying material high curbs, missing guide, unlabeled earthwork, etc.—i.e., the barriers of our everyday life. When talking about examples of removing the first type of barriers, we already consider the second type—so-called political barriers one encounters in the introduction of policies of accessibility. The last type of barriers is devoted only peripheral attention, being represented by so-called post-socialist barriers, i.e., barriers stemming from the meaning of disability in a post-socialist society.
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Очищение христианства от исторической скорлупы ведет к его уничтожению, как в протестантизме. Не в целом, а все-таки есть определенный рисунок христианского миропонимания. Зло – в отсутствии церковного миропонимания.
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