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The aim of this article is to examine to what extent the Polish parliamentary election of 2015 adopted features typical of the presidential ones. The author takes into consideration 8 committees that registered their lists in all the 41 voting constituencies (Law and Justice, Civic Platform, Kukiz ’15, Modern of Ryszard Petru, United Left, Polish People’s Party, KORWiN and Razem Party). Due to the fact that only the leading candidates of the Civic Platform (PO) and the Law and Justice (PiS) had a real chance to become the Prime Minister, the study will focus on these two major political parties. The analysis will concentrate on the last four weeks of the campaign and is conducted at six levels: (1) the aim of the election, (2) the nomination of candidates, (3) the main product of the campaign, (4) the campaign strategy, (5) the reports of the mass media and (6) the figure of the opponent.
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The paper analyzes institutional transformations in the post-communist Hungary and aims to investigate the process of presidentialization in the Hungarian parliamentary system. The unique methodology of quantitative and qualitative research, including discourse analysis and index analysis of the exiting forms of government, has made it possible to identify formal and informal aspects of presidentialization in the political system of Hungary. Transition from the parliamentary to semi-presidential form of government and extension of the formal powers of the president and the prime minister of Hungary amid weakening of the role played by the parliament in the political life of this country have been revealed. In addition, the growing influence of the Prime Minister V. Orban on the “Fidesz” party and the prevalence of ideas about building an authoritarian state in his political rhetoric have been identified with the use of discourse analysis.
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The aim of the paper is to formulate a cultural theory of social changes. The author analyzes the process of change in the sphere of values, which are the main component of culture. A value is defined as validity. Changes in the sphere of values occur not only in the vertical but also in the horizontal dimension (shifts between the centre and peripheries). The author distinguishes several types of value systems that are characteristic of the Polish society: traditional, post-traditional, universalistic, success-oriented, consumption-driven, and rebellious. Changes in the sphere of values occur when the degree of coherence of each of the systems rises or when the systems interact (e.g.during a “war of cultures”). Changes of social values can also be the result of compensational processes in response to dominating characteristics of social reality.
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Is the article was presented a genesis, and then the development of Russian Pan-Slavism. This ideology had own geopolitical repercussion. Its basic aim was the creation federation of Slavic nations under Russian supremacy. Causes if its rising had political character and resulted form loss by Russian Crimean War, Polish Insurrection from 1863, and first of all the Turkish- Russian War (1875/1878). The need of coming with help oppressed by south Slavs'Turks stood an popular idea, which approached to it the Czarist Power, Orthodox church and then the political elites of Russia. The banner of Slavs' liberation became comfortable reason of construction an idea to necessity building a Great Imperium and territorial throphies. Beyond of capture Balkans, the basic goal was conquesting Constantinople and contaimenting the Bosphorus and Dardanelless. The idea of Pan-Slavism shaped in result of evolution opinions delivered by Russian Slavophile. It was then Russian intellectuals who referenced to the Old Russian traditions and had hostile to cultural influences of West-European area. It was presented activity and outlook the main Russian Slavophiles: Iwan Kieriejeski, Alieksiej Chomiakow, Iwan Aksakow and Jurij Samarin and where was described their philosophical and political opinions. In the article was presented their relation to the Poland matter of independence. They had negative opinions because according to their, Poland was a state belong to Latin civilization, which will not subordinate despotic Russia. Slavophilism changed, in result of nationalist growth and xenophobic tendencies. Organizing II Slavic Downhill Congress in Moscow was inpsiring this Transformation event (1867), which took apart all Slavic nations, except the Poles. The Pan-Slavistic ideas were universally accepted in Russian society. In the final effect, approved as the political and geopolitical doctrine. In the example of achievements creatores, Pan-Slavism was a reported idea principles and geopolitical intentions, this conception. In presenting work M. Danilewski, was reported praparation by him, territoral abattis future Slavic Federation. The Russian loss on the I World War and the Bolshevik revolt made up the end of Pan-Slavistic tenet. In later time linking to idea of Slavs unification had the episodic character and had not the large political meaning. It afterworld o article was including the opinion about Pan-Slavism form geopolitical side. Turn the attention, that this doctrine was imperial conception ad it aim, was not be include with creation of free Slavic states conception, but the Russian centralized empire. This idea was the one of great utopias, which came into being in XIX and inder end of XX this conception lost won timeliness.
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Pakistan is the place of a less-known conflict between Baluch national movements and federal government in Islamabad, which bear deeply on geopolitics in the region. Pakistani federal forces have been trying to suppress Balochi national movements for more than 50 years. Its aim was to replace Baluch identity with Pakistani, or at least muslim one, by force. The goal hasn’t been reached so far, with most attempts being counter-productive in its results. Moreover, the conflict made national movement switch from mainly political one to national insurgency. The main factor of the conflict is Pakistani government and military’s disregard for Baluchis economical, political and cultural aims.
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The purpose of the article is to present the perspectives of China as a country participating in the geopolitical game of domination over Eurasia. In the first part of the paper author describes how classical geopolitical theories (Macinder, Skykman) influences on the opportunity to dominate the Eurasian continent. The second part describes the importance of Eurasia in the twenty-first century as an area which will be held game of world domination. The third part presents an analysis of the period of Pax Sinica. This can allow to understand today's imperial ambitions of China due to its imperial history. The last part shows the trends of today's expansion of Chinese influence in the region of Eurasia. It shows how the geographical location of China favors them in the race to become a world power.
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The article discusses the considerations and the role of organizations of national and ethnic minorities in politics. According to the author’s political objectives organizationsare focused on broadening control over the terms of preserving their own identity by the group and widen opportunities for legal-institutional public activity.
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The text presents the results of the survey concerning voting behaviour of residents of 107 main Polish cities in 2015 parliamentary election. Its aim is the analysis of dissimilarity of results concerning different lists in electoral districts with reference to the level of support in the whole town, with the use of voting behaviour diversity index. Ten cities with the highest diversity indication were analysed in detail and especially the districts whose results differed the most from the whole town results were checked. Proposed explanations concern the type of settlement and groups living in a given district.
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The article is based on the assumptions of the neighborhood effect, defined as a spatial diversity of electoral behavior. It reflects the structural and social differences, but taking into account the effect of context, where living space is a context of reference. Election results in Szczecin in the years 2006-2015 have been studied in this article. Author compared the boundaries of constituencies and neighborhoods, assigning constituencies to specific neighborhoods and then creating neighborhood's characteristics by determining the ratio between the support or the turnout in the neighborhood and in the whole city. Studies have shown that the overall picture of the distribution and diversity of electoral behavior of inhabitants of the city is relatively stable in time and independent of the type of election, except for the election to the City Council. Voter turnout is differentiating electoral behavior in neighborhoods to the greatest extent.
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The aim of the article is to discuss the principles of social policy Commune City of Szczecin. On the basis of a strategic document which is the Strategy for Solving Social Problems for the Municipality of the City of Szczecin in the years 2015-2020 shows that the social problems arising from the diagnosis of social problems, the entities responsible for the implementation of social policy in Szczecin and objectives set out in the Strategy placed to realize institutions and local entities social policies to achieve the expected results.
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The network paradigm needs explaining the importance of participation in the strategic management of regions and its impact on the competitiveness of the region, shaping the vision for the future of the region and meeting public needs. An important but underrated instrument supporting participatory management at the regional level is a regional foresight. The aim of the article is to present the potential of regional foresight programme in increasing participation in the strategic management of the region.
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The author undertakes to establish the legal title to performing the creative function by the two chambers of Polish Parliament as a representative of the nation. The article describes the competence of the Sejm and the Senate as the constitutional authorities of the State that perform the creative function. The creative function of the Parliament may be considered as a result of the activities of this institution for other institutions as well as the functioning of the whole system. Voters’ crisis of confidence in the both chambers of Polish Parliament may also be understood as a crisis of its functions.
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Gender Mainstreaming (GM) was introduced by the European Union(EU) in 1997, as a strategy to achieve gender equality in all policy areas. Yet, European countries greatly diverge in their progress of implementation. We investigate the role GM played in Romanian and German policies aimed at achieving work-family reconciliation, using concepts from feminist policy analysis. Our analysis shows that pre-existing policies and discourse, the economic situation, as well as the relationship with the EU have shaped and impeded the implementation process of GM in both countries. While Germany slowly moves towards more egalitarian policies,GM as label and strategy did not succeed. In Romania, GM has only impacted work and family reconciliation indirectly through EU legislation.
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Integration negotiations of the ‘win-win’ type can be applied in political, economic, trade, international, collective as well as many other types of negotiations. The most important barriers to the application of the principles of the Harvard model are: emotions, narrow-sightedness, insufficient knowledge about the subject of negotiations, haste induced by time pressure, aversion and prejudice, retaliatory actions, and fear of the opponent’s reaction. The aim of the article is to present the negotiations with Iran on the basis of win-win concepts. It points out the barriers that the United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran had to overcome in order to reach the nuclear agreement. It further emphasises the limitations resulting from the adopted format of the agreement, which partly fulfils the criteria of win-win negotiations.
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Since the establishment of the United Nations, political operations have been at the core of its activity related to preserving international peace and security. At the same time, they are very versatile and can be used at any stage of a conflict: as preventive measures, when the situation between the conflicted parties is becoming worse; as mediation measures during an ongoing conflict, to end it; at the post-war stage, when it is necessary to develop peace conditions and a new state order. After the Iraq War, the UN established the United Nations Assistance Mission in Iraq, tasked with such issues as providing support to Iraqis in preparing and conducting democratic elections, passing a constitution, promoting national dialogue. The purpose of this article is to analyse the UN’s activity after the Iraq War, present the most important initiatives of UNAMI in terms of social and political transformations, which is to help the author answer the following questions: What role did the UN play after the Iraq War? What tasks were set before the United Nations Assistance Mission in Iraq? Were the implemented actions and initiatives effective?
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The article presents a simple model explaining the actions of potential interveners in a situation of serious and mass violations of human rights. In this model, the key factor in making a decision to launch a humanitarian intervention are not the criteria of just war but the prospect of success defined as a complex of determinants facilitating the achievement of humanitarian effects with minimum losses for the intervener. The article points out the relation between the execution of the operational goals of an armed intervention and the probability of a decision to launch a humanitarian intervention. On the basis of a critical literature review and the history of enforcing the observance of human rights after 1991 it identifies the conditions that, when combined, determine high probability of success of a humanitarian mission: (a) the power of the potential intervener; (b) the reaction strategy for neutralising the potential enemy; (c) the possibilities of precisely defining goals in political and humanitarian terms; (d) the climate, environment, geographic and infrastructural conditions favouring the interveners; (e) effective use of the intervener’s logistic resources; (f) the intervener’s determination in pursuing the objective; (g) a clear political situation understood as the existence of a consolidated opposition to the central authority as the party that violates human rights; (h) the extent of connections under international law and political relations of the country subject to the intervention; (i) the legitimacy of the intervener’s actions; (j) the intervener’s coherence. An analysis of the above conditions on theexample of the situation in Lybia (2011) and Syria (2013) offers an explanation as to why it was decided to intervene in Libya while no operations were launched in Syria. Particularly important among the conditions increasing the prospect of success are: the presence of a local ally of the potential intervener, who opposes the human rights violator and has the potential for effective political and military action when supported by the intervener.
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For the purposes of this article it has been assumed that public opinion is a rapidly changing state of consciousness of large social groups, made up of more or less stable ideas and beliefs, relating to debatable issues, which has a direct or indirect impact on the current or future interests of society by its properties. This article aims to analyze the impact of public opinion on Polish foreign policy after 1989. The article assumes that: the public opinion has an impact on decisions affecting foreign policy, although the extent of this impact is very different and often is purely indirect; impact of public opinion in Poland on foreign policy increases, but still shall be defined only as incidental impact; public opinion in Poland does not determine foreign policy.
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