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Patients' rights are the leading element of the debate concerning to the protection of human health. They refer to the special relationship that exists between a sick person and a medical expert. The patient, during his visits to the doctor / nurse, talks often about specific, intimate problems. This situation causes that patient is on a much weaker position than the doctor.The emergence of the idea of patients' rights was intended to improve the situation in which people are treated. It's mostly about people whose goods were often violated during of therapy. For some time -also in Poland- we observe the emergence of offices, which aims to protect patients' rights and control of the reported infringements. As it turns out, full independence in undertaking similar actions, have mostly NGOs. In that group for special attention deserve centers known as, think tanks. These centers take the constant analysis of the situation regarding: security, educational problems and health problems. In the proposed article, will be shown the action of two similar centers, that have a particular impact on the level of debate on the protection of the rights of people using the health care system services.
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In this article, we consider the subject of such scientific and educational discipline as ethnopolitology. We reveal the relationship between ethnopolitology and ethnopolitics as well as between the concepts ethnonation and nation-state, nation and people, and civic identity and ethnic identity. We also analyze the influence of ethnic groups on the political sphere of social life and the impact of power institutions on ethnic groups.
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The following paper focuses on the importance of the inherited administrative culture which is believed to define the character of the administration system in the years to come. Moreover, administrative culture strongly influences the way organizations operate, including the acceptance or rejection of new policies and directives. This study highlights the power of the hegemonic cultural paradigm and the resistance it shows toward possible changes. The countries of Greece, Italy, and Spain are used as case studies, since they follow the Napoleonic administrative tradition. Additionally, these countries continue to present vivid features of the respective tradition, despite the numerous changes that have been imposed during the reform period from 1980 until 2000. The aim of this study is to put the New Public Management doctrine into a new perspective, by questioning its ability to be successfully implemented to national administrative systems and deliver positive results.
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The article discusses the reasons for electoral passivity of modern Russian youth. It is pointed out that various subjective and objective factors have influenced the formation of a unique electoral culture of young people in Russia. The Republic of Bashkortostan is taken as a region for research, since it combines various factors determining the political culture and electoral behavior of the population. The study shows that “damped fluctuations”, depending on the priority and status of the elections, is a common pattern of the electoral behavior of young people in the Republic of Bashkortostan.
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The paper discusses opportunities offered by the Internet to forge new channels of citizen participation in politics. The conventional and unconventional forms of political participation via the Internet resources are analyzed. Special attention is paid to the problem of cyberterrorism. The models of online political participation are considered. The advantages of political participation via the Internet technologies are specified. The conclusion is made that the Internet encourages development of a special and revolutionary type of citizen participation in politics.
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Attitudes towards the institution of elections in the mass political consciousness of Russian society have been discussed. The institution of elections in the 1990s has been evaluated. The reasons for public distrust of electronic voting are singled out. The main grounds for low voter turnout in Russia are provided.
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The article highlights the main aspects of Islamophobia in Poland – a country where Muslim communities constitute less than 0.1% of the population. It analyses the reasons behind higher levels of anti-Muslim sentiments in Polish society in comparison with other European countries and assesses the sources which form a simplified and distorted image of Islam and Muslims in Europe in general and Poland in particular. The paper also points out some of the key strategies employed by Polish Muslims to overcome negative attitudes towards Islam and its adherents.
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Article is about Armenian history in 20th century. Author concentrate on main subject: Armenian Genocide between 1915 and 1920 in Turkey; Armenians trouble in USSR; Armenian minority in Lebanon, France, USA, Poland and Turkey; Armenian Independence.
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The share of national and ethnic minorities in political elections is one of the indicators of integration and a sense of equality in the society. The fundamental issue is therefore the answer to the question whether and to what extent ethnicity is manifested by representatives of minorities in the local elections in 2014.
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Representatives of the Vietnamese minority for the first time in its history in Poland took part in the local elections in 2014. This event is another element in the process of integration and equality of minorities in the country of residence. In the present text, I take issues related to the functioning of minority candidates Vietnam’s image in the media, along with the characteristics of the factors affecting its shape during the election campaign.
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The aim of this text was to compare policy of Central European towards national and ethnic minorities over the period of fifteen years (1989–2004). Besides Poland, Czechoslovakia (since 1993 Czech Republic and Slovakia) and Hungary are countries of quite different ethnic and national structure. Poland is a unique country due to its’ almost mono-ethnic population when comparing to Czech, Slovakia and Hungary, countries with a large Romani and in case of Slovakia also Hungarian minority. The period of communism 1945–1989 in all fields of political, social and economic life was under the dictate of Soviet Union. This applied to minorities issues as well. The changes which started in 1989 was a freely chosen way of political elites and societies of Czech, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. Although the membership criteria of the EU (so-called Copenhagen Criteria) consisted inter alia of a criterion in favour of respecting the rights of national, ethnic and language minorities. It was a kind of “double standards” by the EU. The text analyses the impact of EU and other international actors on policies of Prague, Bratislava, Budapest and Warsaw in the field of national minorities rights during the accession preparations. It was significantly reduced after the full membership of Czech, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia after the 1st of May 2004.
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This article is an attempt to analyse and interpret the position of the representatives of the Austrian School towards the political activity of politicians associated with the US Republican Party in the second half of the 19th century. This article proves that in the opinion of the representatives of the one of the most radical and uncompromising social and economic science school the US Republican Party was a political group which supported centralisation of power, mercantilism, subsidies for big business and realisation of the model of state which would be compatible with their religious beliefs. The author shows that the Republican president Abraham Lincoln was critically perceived by adherents of the Austrian School, who accused him of limiting liberties, especially in the economic aspect.
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The article is a twofold attempt: at re‑reading the category of a topos after the Shoah and at interpreting the particular record of the oral history in the context of the liminal metamorphoses the notion of the topoi – crucial in European culture and literature – has undergone. In the first part of the text, the author recapitulates the studies on the aforementioned category – from Aristoteles to the twentieth century scholars (Curtius, Lausberg, Ziomek, Abramowska, Panas); in the second part, she tries to apply it in interpretative practice.
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W życiu publicznym współczesnych społeczeństw narasta zapotrzebowanie na nowy rodzaj polityki. Takiej, która konsekwentnie stanie po stronie najsłabszych i najbardziej kruchych. Konsekwentnie za życiem. Konsekwentnie bez przemocy. Konsekwentnie po stronie osób marginalizowanych i pozbawionych przywilejów. Uważam, że podstawą takiej polityki powinien stać się sposób myślenia, który w USA nazywamy konsekwentną etyką życia.
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This paper deals with the concept of political topology in the light of geopolitics and hybrid warfare. Traditional geopolitics can be regarded as a point of departure for the search for better tools for political decision making. Comparison and confrontation of different, theoretical and practical, concepts of hybrid warfare can be heuristically inspiring and lead to a compact system of politically relevant knowledge – to political topology.
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Bulgarian state is in crisis, the main reason for that is the lack of analysis of the actual state of constitutionalism and anti-constitutionalism. Over the past quarter century, a number of state institutions did not meet fully their constitutional obligations towards the citizens and the state as a whole: a) the state abdicated from the defense of a number of constitutionally enshrined rights of citizens; b) a condescending attitude has been imposed to the new constitution, while its fundamental principles are interpreted and developed in the current legislation in a way different from the actual meaning of the constitutional norms; c) fundamental to the modern parliamentary practices issues are problematized; d) main elements of the democratic society are disclaimed. In place of the examination and analytical assessment of the Bulgarian judiciary law-enforcement nihilism takes place. The war against the Bulgarian statehood has many motives, the main being economic interests and incompetence.
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The Russian National Security Strategy of 2015 aims at achieving autarky from Western influences on global security, the rule of law and global trade. Russia aims at attaining this by applying a holistic mix of military, political and economic means to weaken the West and to strengthen its own role as a global player. The Russian approach builds on a strategy of reflexive control which as such is an old method, but the outcome of the application of this approach results in hybrid warfare which as such is a new emerging concept of warfighting. This short article looks at one particular aspect of this Russian strategy, namely using Hybrid, or non-linear, Warfare against its Western direct neighbours in particular and the West in general. We will discuss the underlying cultural logic in Russia’s actions and will reflect on the impact of Russia’s utilization of the existing cultural asymmetry as a form of warfare in regard to the West. The examples used in this text are taken from the context of the conflicts of Ukraine and Syria, but have to be seen as constituting a part of an on-going global conflict aimed at NATO and the EU. The text builds on years of research within the hybrid threat, warfare respectively, context by both authors.
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