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How independent Poland looked at 1919 in the foreign press. Read text and you would know
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This article aims to reconstruct the concept of power by Jadwiga Staniszkis. This was doneby analyzing her numerous works devoted to the phenomenon of power. The key to theirproper reading was the previous recognition of the concept of the field of forces presentedin them. Referring to it, it became possible to systematise and coherently present the mainassumptions of her theory. They form a specific whole with its proper structure. The mainelements of the power concept of Jadwiga Staniszkis were: ways of expressing power, itsmultifaceted nature, processuality, connection with the state and specific types of its rule- dictates. A complex and multidimensional theory emerged from the reconstruction. Theresearcher based her on numerous, new concepts, which additionally required the previousanalysis themselves.
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The article aims to take a closer look at the problems of broadly understood politicalcorrectness in the space of the digital games. The authors on several examples try to show thecauses of this phenomenon – both those in the creation of the game world and the publishingprocess. The text primarily tries to look at political correctness from a wider perspective -trying to show the reasons for its existence, not necessarily related to the lobbying of minoritygroups.
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Milan Kundera's imagination is situated in the context of terminal modernity. The great myths that have haunted modern man are nothing more than old, impossible dreams. Homo utopicus as the archetype of modern man becomes, for Kundera, a mere ridiculous puppet who witnesses the collapse and overthrow of his utopias. If any political utopia transferred to the field of action inevitably passes through a brief ephemeral moment that Marc Richir calls "sublime", this utopia is taken over by the forces of the symbolic institution to deviate towards an aestheticization of politics. The Kunderian imagination questions this fatal diversion, which refers to the passage from the moment of political revolt to that of institutionalized revolution, from a phenomenal singularity to a totalitarian mass. This totalitarianism seems to be the basis of the tragedy which presides over the realization of any political utopia: how the homo utopicus who launches into the world an action which aims for happiness and freedom becomes, in Kundera, the one who carries out the hunt for the lost action? This tragic travesty seems to be linked to the failure of the moment of the sublime, which cannot survive in a society of the masses where the quixotic ego cannot exist without being linked to the symbolic institution and to a form of totalitarianism which haunts all utopian imaginations and connects political prophecy to what we can call an Oedipus effect. For Kundera homo utopicus becomes a political impossibility. Indeed, in a universe where there is an absence of singularities and where the characters become light, the great political utopias cannot work for the sublime nor resist the tragedy of the lost action.
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The Austro-Hungarian diplomatic services followed the course of the election campaigns for the State Duma in the Kingdom of Poland closely. This is entirely understandable. The Sejm was a novelty in the political life of the Habsburg Monarchy’s northern neighbour. Its functioning could have had far-reaching and difficult to predict consequences for the politics of the Romanov Empire. Reports by Austro-Hungarian diplomats accurately reflected the mood of Polish public opinion and the position of individual groups. They drew attention to the deterioration of ethnic relations in the Kingdom of Poland, both between Poles and Jews and between Poles and Russians. They accurately portrayed the dilemmas of Polish society, its powerlessness and frustration, including disappointment with the State Duma. The parliamentarisation of the political system in Russia and the departure from the self-rule did not improve the position of the Polish people in the tsarist state. The results of the elections to the State Duma confirmed the dominance of national democracy in the political life of the Kingdom of Poland. The Austro-Hungarian diplomats regarded this grouping as the true representation of public sentiment and the dominant force on the Polish political scene. They were not entirely impartial in their reports. Their correspondence shows that they were sympathetic to Polish conservative circles and clearly disliked socialist groups.
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The academic interest in right-wing populism and conspiracy theories has significantly grown in the past years. Hungarian political changes in the past decade have also gained attention, while common features of populism and conspiracy theories are rather neglected. This paper analyses a slice of Hungarian political discourse in order to shed light on populist and conspiratorial rhetoric, especially on the construction of national authenticity.
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Czy liberalizm, socjalizm i konserwatyzm – trzy poglądy zgłaszające dziś pretensje do tego, aby organizować świat wokół nas – mają moc tworzenia porywających narracji będących napędem dla myślenia o przyszłości? Czy dają wskazówki, które pozwolą nam ruszyć z martwego punktu?
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Jovan Đorđević’s scientific work is a paradigm to political science included in creating of the Yugoslav political system. During more than three decades, this political system has generated the tension between the historical project of socialistic self-management and the reality of the society full of economic, socio-political and cultural contradictions. The political science has taken a double function: to express and develop theoretically possibilities and values of this historical project; and to participate in the practical constituting and realization of a political system in which social forces and political trends have their effects, more or less favourable or contrariant to this historical project. The political theory of socialistic self-management, created among this contradictions, has tried, in the first place, to point out the basic social values and norms, as well as the goals and means of institutional social action, expressing the trend of the more democratic and free society, the position and rights of men and communities as sovereign creators of the conditions of their own social life. In this way, from the trend of socialistic self-management, from the emancipating praxis of the society to which this trend belongs, the legitimate basis of the political system was drawn out and theoretically developed as a support to some and a counteraction to the other social and political forces really effecting the political system. As well as the trend of socialite self-management inside political system was faced with antagonistic social and political forces, in the same way, the political theory of socialistic self-management, specially in Jovan Đorđević’s work, was faced with authoritarian ideology resulted from the historical involution of classical theories and ideas of socialism, specially from the involution of marxism.
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In the situation of fast growth of cities, particularly big cities, in the conditions when by the, end of the century the greatest majority will dwell in big cities, regardless of the social system, in the conditions when closed communities are dissapearing — one of the greatest problems of contemporary mankind is the search for the new concepts of organizing local communities and local self-rule suited for living in the industrial and postindustrial society. Academy member Jovan Đorđević, .as one of the founders of the Yugoslav theory of local self-rule in conditions of the development of socialist self-management, with his new ideas and concepts — the open community, direct democracy and the responsible society — has greatly contributed to the solving of questions not only regarding the possibilities of the existence of local communities, but has given sufficient elements for the solution of the question of haw to organize them. Đorđević points to, and proves in all his theoretical opus regarding local self-rule, particularly in his theory and practice of the commune and communal system, that only in socialism with the positive elimination of private property and the elimination of -the „dual” character of power — that there are created real predispositions for the development of local self- rule and the new local communities,.but at the same time points out that without the development of local self-rule and local communities it is not possible to form socialism as a new- humanism
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The present article provides an alternative model for qualitative studies based on the discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, with special emphasis on computer-based analysis. The model may be used for empirical research and analysis of large data corpora. The model offers a mixed-method approach of operationalization, an alternative to existing approaches, combining a quantitative coding stage and a qualitative interpretation stage. First, a list of key signifiers is obtained from open coding of the existing secondary literature on the topic. Second, the key signifiers compose a case research matrix, which includes the list of key signifiers, the word cloud (thesaurus), and subcodes. The case research matrix establishes frameworks for the computer-assisted analysis of the data corpus. Third, the use of the key signifiers in the data corpus is structured using the conceptual framework of Laclau and Mouffe. If the need arises, the case research matrix is updated with the secondary codes and the previous steps are repeated. Fourth, the interpretation process occurs hermeneutically, with emphasis on contextualized self-interpretations. The provided model should fill the gзp in the variety of operationalization approaches designed for qualitative studies in which, for methodological reasons, lexicometric analysis cannot be applied. The application of the model is presented on the example of a case from the field of historical sociology studying the ideological alignment of far-right movements in interwar Switzerland.
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In this paper, we start from the argument that the liberal model of ethnocultural justice, based on the idea of multicultural citizenship, which was instituted in the successor countries of the former Yugoslavia twenty years ago, has failed to deliver on its promises: ethnic distance between citizens of different ethnocultural backgrounds has not been reduced, integration is still a problem, and group-differentiated rights often turn into instruments of domination within and between communities. Against this backdrop, we will go beyond the usual immanent critique of this model and point to valuable experiences of public recognition of ethnocultural diversity in socialist Yugoslavia. By doing this, we intend, first, to question the assumption that the liberal-democratic political framework is a necessary precondition for ethnocultural justice, and second, to open up space for reconsidering some potentially positive aspects of the non-juridical approach to multiculturalism that was implemented in actually-existing socialism. We point out three aspects as particularly relevant: a) a „right measure” of jurisdification, b) localization instead of centralization of minority communities, and c) availability of an encompassing, overarching identity in which all citizens can recognize themselves.
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In the EU, advanced international cooperation is a characteristic feature of relations between neighbouring states. The idea behind cross-border cooperation spreads into various fields, including daily life, common programmes, priorities, and strategies. The primary motives behind it include the will to communicate with your neighbours, overcome hostility and prejudice between the two co-existing nations, enhance democracy and develop local administration structures, overcome isolation and remoteness, and quickly merge with the integrated Europe. The article discusses cross-border cooperation between universities in Poland and Germany, with particular attention paid to cooperation taking place between neighbouring cities of Słubice, Poland, and Frankfurt (Oder), Germany. However, before the cross-border cooperation is addressed, the article elaborates on a broader context.
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This article examines the involvement of artists in the pro-independence movement in Catalonia. First, to provide context, the author discusses the history of Catalonia, focusing on the conflicts with the Spanish state and on the five instances throughout history when the region proclaimed independence. The article shows how stories from the Catalonia past are present in people’s everyday lives and influence their sentiments. The author also tries to find an answer to the question of how artists became involved in the pro-independence movement by taking a closer look at both the art and political engagement of the artists representing different generations and genres during the period in question.
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This research is aimed to critically analyse the Yugoslav-Soviet disputes, with a specific focus on the ideological question of Party reform as a central issue in their differing interpretations. The methodology employed involves a comparative examination of the principles of Yugoslav “democratic socialism” and Soviet “real socialism” during the period of intense labour movement debates and the peak of Yugoslavia’s internal crisis, which led to the replacement of two reformist leaderships in 1971/1972. The study highlights the importance of the clashes between the Yugoslav aspiration for autonomous development and the Soviet hegemonic model, with the international context playing a crucial role in intensifying the debates. The findings underscore the significance of ideology in shaping political events and the trajectory of social development in both countries. Ultimately, this research provides a deeper understanding of the final outcomes of the Yugoslav-Soviet disputes and sheds light on the evolution of the Yugoslav socialist system’s attempt to present itself as a distinct “progressive” (non-Soviet) development model. The analysis demonstrates how the dynamics of ideological differences influenced the course of socialist development, reflecting the complexities of post-Stalinist transitions and the implications of these disputes for broader debates about socialist modernization on the left.
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The research conducted for this article has explored the controversy between the EU and Hungary surrounding the interpretations of the Europeanisation process: to what extent do they diverge, and to what degree do they converge? Both before and after its 2004 accession to the EU, Hungary has tried to follow the EU’s approach towards liberal democracy. And yet, from 2010 on wards, the state has developed an illiberal political and legal system. This fact revealed a rift between Hungary and the EU. The research questions focused on the problem of the trajectory of the systemic deterioration of democracy in Hungary, the EU’s reaction to this situation and its decision to apply a conditionality mechanism in 2022. The main hypothesis of this research is that the EU’s reluctance to use more severe sanctioning tools after 2010 has helped Hungary utilise the EU funds to develop an illiberal democratic state which diverges from the EU’s concept of Europeanisation. The research methods we have employed are: the quantitative and the qualitative methods, synthesis and analysis of facts, the comparative method, and the neo-institutional approach. The results and conclusions allow us to state that until 2022, the EU has been unable to force Hungary to obey the rule of law and other liberal democratic principles, though it has made some efforts in this direction. The worsening of the economic situation, after the COVID-19 pandemic and the onset of the war in Ukraine, determined the EU to create a conditionality mechanism that correlates the access to EU subsidies with the observance of the EU rules.
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As the coordinator of the Department of Political and Social Philosophy at the Institute of Social Theory of the Romanian Academy (now ISPRI), Carmen Diaconescu initiated and rigorously executed research programs. She supported her colleagues' projects, encouraged them to pursue PhDs, write and publish their books, and facilitated open dialogue on philosophical and cultural issues. Additionally, she provided books to her colleagues. She initiated the Encyclopedia of Fundamental Works of Political Philosophy project, which was published in several volumes by ISPRI.
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Accession to the European Union means that each Member State must comply, under the community treaties that have been adopted, with several principles and numerous operating standards, among which one can distinguish the maintenance of public finance discipline at a sufficiently low level. An instrument supporting the preservation of an adequate balance of public finance is the so-called excessive deficit procedure. Poland was subjected to the excessive deficit procedure in two periods: 2004–2008 and 2009–2015.The article employs a unique research methodology to establish long-term trends in law creation, based on the theory of supply and demand. In particular, this text focuses on the question of whether a certain law was intended to increase or decrease the costs of performing state functions. It demonstrates through the use of the tools of mathematical modeling that the excessive deficit procedure applied to Poland not only had an impact on state finances, but also had a long-term effect on the legislature, which consistently created regulations aimed at reducing public expenditure.The paper underlines the significance of sustainable public finances for macroeconomic stability, using Poland as a case study. Despite the beneficial impact of the excessive deficit procedure in reducing Poland’s public debt, the research uncovers a recurring pattern of increasing public spending after improving financial stability.
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The idea of creating the European Union is the result of a thousand years old integration process of the single European continent. The entire historical, geopolitical and economic development of our continent is permeated by the idea of creating a fully unified Europe. The theoretical bases for the creation of a unified Europe were a common spirit and an expression of pluralism of opinions. The emergence and development of institutions of economic integrations in Europe after World War II had created favourable conditions for the application of the existing theories and the development of new one.
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In this article, we discuss the idea and the legal-political principle of sovereignty and also the transformation that this concept has lived to see since the creation of the modern state at the dawn of the new century and especially in the period after World War II. As a kind of catalyst of this change, a significant role was played by supranational international organizations, which de facto and de iure have institutionalized the limitation of state sovereignty both in a formal and material sense. Equal to that, the great powers and the military alliances they founded and especially the military interventions they led have had a great influence on the relativisation of sovereignty as an attribute of statehood.
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