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The notion of region is particularly vague, as this issue is referred to by studies from various disciplines. It has long been one of the subjects of interest of the Council of Europe which perceives local and regional administration as one of the fundamental ingredients of modern European democracy. The European Charter of Local Self-Government is the main document that regulates these matters in the Council of Europe law system. It is accompanied by a number of other documents, including The European Charter of Regional Self-Government. The article provides an analysis of these normative deeds within the realm of Union law. When the Single European Act entered into force, regions have become an important part of Union policy. Committee of the Regions set up in 1994, whose operation is related to the principle of subsidiarity and programming of the idea of the Europe of Regions, is the most impor- tant body concerned with regional issues.
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Interdisciplinary relations bring a large variety of instruments to the researchers. Some fruitful methodological approaches may be obtained by specialists in political science from social history. Social history describes different spheres of society’s life (including political one) in order to show their close linkages and interdependence. Some of social history studies give us much valuable information and inferences concerning politics. That is why methodological approaches of social history should be carefully explored in order to understand what advantage they could provide to political studies.
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The morality comprises human actions and ethical values. In accordance to classic understanding of political thoughts which means mean fulfilling common goodness, the aim of power is the concern about each person – a citizen. The question if the ends justify the means in political science accepts the possibility of using effectivness of actions as a criterion, not the ethical values. If the criterion of actions is the effective ness, so is it acceptable to take immoral actions in political activity?
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As one party to the Agreement between the Government of the Republic of Poland and the Government of the Russian Federation on the graves and places of memory of victims of war and repression, Poland has pledged to undertake various activities as concerns the graves and places of commemoration, including the graves of 600,000 Red Army soldiers located on Polish territory. In the face of the increasing number of acts of vandalism towards these places, it is worth analysing the nature of such behaviour. The paper enumerates the motives indicated by perpetrators of such acts of vandalism, the reactions of representatives of the political elite, the steps taken by the law en- forcement forces and the content of media coverage of the acts of vandalism. The paper also forecasts the possible reversal of such tendencies and compares the activities occurring in Poland and those in other states that are parties to corresponding international agreements.
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The paper presents how history as a school subject reflects the current historical policy of the State. Following Michel Foucault, history is claimed to always constitute the discourse of authorities. This is exemplified by the case of Mieszko’s baptism, which is a sign of the times, having been presented in the school education depending on the changing political, social and – to a smaller extent – cultural contexts. Consider- able room is devoted to the period from 1918–1939 to show how history curricula re- flected the changing objectives of historical policy conducted by the authorities in this time. History as a school subject is considered omnipotent in the discourse of authorities.
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Forming constitutive, basic identity structures of individuals, as well as of those of entire societies, occurs through the continuity of experience. This continuity, and, consequently, the stability of the foundation of identity formation are conditioned by memory. Both individual memory within the horizon of their lifetime and generational memory constitute preserved and transferred records of „things past” and their interpretations. It is memory (by marking the horizon of the past and making it visible on the plane of the present and the future) becomes an opportunity for contemplation of what is „gone” and for its constant re-evaluation. The ability to undertake deeper reflection, reaching deeper into history, becomes also the possibility of building a relatively safe reality, of increasingly deeper understanding of oneself and the surrounding world, an understanding encountered within the world of another human being, the other. Severing the horizon of memory and the deeper understanding formed through it may lead to re-shaping the horizon of meeting the other into the horizon of hostility, mutual prejudice, aggression. Thus, pointing to the memory of the past (as an essential constitutive component of both individual and communal identity) comprises an attempt to reverse the vector of gravity from leading from other to alien to hostile so that the other is seen as an appeal to start a dialogue and, thus, create a safe space of living.
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This article aims to present the discursive processes that were used to justify the path chosen to implement the social and economic transformation to capitalism in Poland. Special attention is paid to the role of elites in shaping a public discourse which legitimized the significant pauperization in society and growth of income inequalities as being conditioned on individual defects and the “civilizational incompetence” of those at the bottom of the social structure. These citizens of Poland were presented as a constraint and obstacle to achieving a faster pace of modernization processes. This has influenced the thinking of politicians involved in policy-making at the national level, as well as the attitudes of those involved in the implementation of welfare measures at the local level. Furthermore, it has contributed to the unspoken consensus of all mainstream political parties over the neoliberal reforms in the economy and social policy.
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This article focuses on the question of the involvement of contemporary artists in the public debate concerning boundary issues relating to migration and the treatment of immigrants. The aim of this essay is to take a closer look at some of their strategies for making the boundary issue more visible and their ability to draw our attention to the situation of excluded minorities, such as “clandestines” and refugees. The object of the study is, in particular, the way in which these artists address the question of the international migration process in the modern “open”, “ostensibly borderless” world, and the socio-political problems it generates. The effect of the border-crossing experience on the life of an immigrant, the image attached to him or her by the “host” society, as well as the artistic reflections on EU institutions and the hospitality of contemporary European societies are also included in the author’s analysis.
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This paper questions the binary of material and immaterial labour in the information era. Instead, we propose a “circuits of labour” model, a holistic framework that helps connect various concepts and traditions in the study of labour and ICT (information and communication technology). Inspired by du Gay et al’s “circuit of culture”, we argue conventional frameworks need to be synthesized and updated to reflect fundamental changes and persisting issues of labor in our contemporary era, of which the iPhone is emblematic. On the one hand, our model consists of formal circuits, in which hierarchical domination is imposed by capital over the body of labour. On the other hand, it consists of informal circuits where relationships are defined communally between embodied practices and social and communicative capital. The informal and formal circuits of labour are “short-circuited” by survival labour and ‘playbour’, meaning either circuit may absorb productive energy from the other. This article then uses the case of Foxconn, the world’s largest electronic manufacturer that also produces iPhones, to illustrate the usefulness of the “circuits of labour” model. We finally discuss the broader implications and questions for future research.
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This article contributes to a political economic theory centred on the concept of “audience labour”. First, the previous use of the concept of audience labour is briefly traced and the process of rethinking the concept as the basis of a political economic theory is begun. Second, a theory of the audience labour process is developed, drawing on previous theories of audience activities of cultural consumption as productive activities of signification and adapting Marx’s theory of the human labour process to the audience labour process. Third, a political economy of audience labour is outlined. As a theory of the basic processes through which communicative capital can control and extract value from audience labour, it describes the exploitation of audience labour and accumulation of communicative capital through distribution relationships of rent and interest. Finally, the continuing centrality of audience labour exploitation in the digital era is discussed.
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In consequence of initiative of Raniero Panzieri operaismo emerged in 1960-1961 as a stream of radical theoretical revival of Marxism in the context of widespread domination of objectivism and historicism and equally radical revival of strategy of workers movement in its struggle against its internal dominant reformist tendency. Its foundation was supposed to be a reading of Capital “from the workers point of view”. It soon become apparent that it is a fundamentally divided project, both politically and theoretically. 1963 marks a split within operaismo. Majority that sided with Mario Tronti detached, developing an anti-materialist revision of Marxism that resulted in creation of metaphysics of workers’ autonomy. In 1969-1980 an enormous wave of working class struggles brought to the fore clear conclusions in fundamental disputable issues that divided operaistas.
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German SPD is at present a democratic “catch all” party, which unites the people with various religious, ideological or economic courses, and which manifests peace, liberty, solidarity, justice, equality of the men and women, and the protection of the environment. However, in present, there is an opinion in the German party and political system that SPD goes through the deepest crisis since the beginning of the 21st century. Presented article deals with the analysis of the position and the activity of Social Democratic Party (SPD) of Germany in the German political system in the 21st century and focuses on the issues connected with this social-political crisis of the social democracy in the Germany. The aim is to inspect closer the issues of SPD and through the exhaustive analysis provide the answers on the questions whether the party faces the deep crisis, and how is this situation reflected and what steps are needed for the solution. The article has used predominantly the method of historical analysis, partly comparative method and theoretical method. The results are showing, that the main reason of the SPD misery is the loss of its own fundamental value oriented political identity caused by the concept of so called Third Way, demotivation and alienation from the member base, the absence of the charismatic leader. SPD has the long-lasting problem with the image and it needs to accomplish the analysis of its problems. The party needs to decide, what direction it wants to go in relation to the Agenda 2010 and the concept of the New Center, what conviction and idea it wants to represent to address the new electorate.
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The paper focuses on ‟political correctness”, which has become a late 20th century catch-phrase in Western European and North American liberal democracies but also has found currency in the political climate of the Asian and Eastern countries. A historical and multi-cultural review is intended as an introduction to a broader philosophical analysis of the Marxist backgrounds of political correctness and its neo-Marxist theoretical correctives in Jürgen Habermas’s theory of communicative action. My aim is to draw out both the educational and cultural implications of laying out the ethos of contemporary discourse on the foundations of the evolving dynamics of the rhetoric of political correctness.
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In the last century and a half scholars from different disciplines began to distinguish between material reality (the universe), the biosphere, and social reality (the semiosphere), as three important heuristic categories. In the latter half of the 20th century, the philosophers John L. Austin and John Searle proposed that language and its use enable humans to generate social reality. They also analyzed the mechanisms of the process. From another perspective, the evolutionary anthropologist Robin Dunbar offered an explanation of how language was selected in the process of human evolution, and argued that its primary function is group-building, that is, the generation of social cohesion. Drawing on these insights, the article proposes that the dilemma of whether nations exist objectively or are subjective entities can be resolved by analyzing this problem in the light of Searle’s distinction between ontological objectivity / subjectivity and epistemic objectivity / subjectivity.
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