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Recent tendencies in the interpretation of International Humanitarian Law applied in non-international armed conflicts show that we are witnessing a return to the concept of a total war, according to which attacking any person and any object that supports the war effort of an enemy is legally justified. The article first discusses the problem of classification of armed conflicts, then it addresses the problem of human targets and subsequently of object targets. In conclusion, apart from a summary of argumentation, there are suggestions of changes in the law of targeting in order to guarantee effective protection of civilian population.
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This article aims to answer two questions. First, whether the rivalry between global powers in the second decade of the 21st century increases the risk of classic military conflict between them; second, what kind of tools (including violent and non-violent methods) are to be used nowadays by powers in order to compete with other international actors. The paper argues that rivalry between the weakening West and Russia/China is getting more intense, which is especially evident in the military dimension (e.g.: rising expenditures, incidents, as well as recent troops build-up abroad). Moreover, new or aspiring powers are more assertive in achieving their goals in the international environment due to the problems experienced by the West. These increased tensions do not mean, however, that the world is on the road to the next ‘big war’. Due to the catastrophic implications of such a scenario, global powers will likely use other, non-standard methods of competing with their rivals, below the ‘threshold of war’. These include: proxy wars, hybrid warfare, cyberattacks, information operations, as well as exploitation of migration flows.
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The growing use of renewable energy sources (RES) in the electricity and heating sectors as well as in the transport industry is one of the key factors affecting the long-term energy security of the EU. In line with this research hypothesis, the aim of the article is to analyse the changes that have been taking place in the EU energy system under the influence of the development of RES technologies and their impact on the geostrategic dimension of EU energy security. The starting point is to analyse trends in the use of RES in the EU against global trends and the underlying determinants. How big a role does the EU climate and energy policy play in increasing the use of RES in EU countries? How big is the influence of geo-strategic or economic factors? With regard to the theoretical framework – the geostrategic dimension of energy security – the article characterises the impact of trends in energy use in the EU on the ‘constant availability of energy in various forms’, especially by 2030. This perspective takes into account the current framework of EU climate and energy policy.
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The JCPOA agreement of 2015 on Iran’s nuclear programme, which has resulted in numerous sanctions that had been imposed on the country now being lifted, is considered by Tehran as an indispensable factor in implementing a long-term development strategy. The goal of this paper is to present and analyse the current priorities and directions of Iranian economic policy, including its most important element, namely the energy sector. The starting point is the research question about the meaning and impact of sanctions on the Iranian economy as well as about the impact of lifting these sanctions on Iran’s opportunities for development and its strategic priorities. This paper also analyses a number of objective factors (ones out of Iran’s control) that could block or at least slow down the implementation of this development strategy.
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This article presents how two currently dominant theories of political integration – neo-functionalism and intergovernmental liberalism – address the issue of international security. To this end, the author describes the two theoretical concepts and their place in the broader context of the theory of international relations and presents the basic theoretical principles of these theories. The main research problem was analysed on two levels, with the principal purpose of answering the questions of how international security concerns are approached by theorists of neo-functionalism and intergovernmental liberalism and what elements of these theories can be seen in the practice of political integration of states. Since both concepts have been formulated in response to European integration, it is the European Union that is the most important reference point for the reflection on this practice.
More...Is there a Central-European Diaspora Policy Path?
The paper raises the question whether there is a certain diaspora policy model that is typical for Central European states. Based on the findings, the paper argues that although post-socialist states have very similar paths in relating to and engaging their diaspora communities abroad, these policies are shaped by diverse political contexts, considerations, and expectations, as well as by different experiences in the diaspora – homeland relations. More specifically, the research identifies four points where a detailed qualitative analysis points out differences in these states’ diaspora policies behind the similar structures: the effects of special/benefit/status laws, the politicization of external voting rights, the symbolic aspects of diaspora policy, and the level of awareness of the new (post-2000, labor migrant) diaspora.
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The end of the Cold War and last decade of XX century revealed few phenomena in international relations. The most important re-examining are turned to state sovereignty dealing not only with state idea and state and its role as a subject of international relations but also taking account on other actors as territorially-political entities developed in different periods and shapes on a territory of internationally recognized sovereign states. New entities, dominantly based on ethno-national foundations set a question of self-determination and provoked internal conflicts, separatist tendencies and resistance of internationally recognized states including society of states. Non-recognized state-shaped appearances were represented the most frequently as 'de facto states'. They have some place in international law, some position in international political relations and limited role in international economy relations raising a question of international order. Processes of emerging and functioning of 'de facto states' after the Cold War characterized processes of independency and sovereignty in postsocialist countries. But there are more and more indicators of similar processes in West Europe. Fragmentation is process of dissolution of postsocialist Soviet and Yugoslav space states that enables existing of 'de facto States' as partly or limited recognized by international actors. Some of them disappeared in processes of geopolitical re-composition of international space which reflects as consequences on question of recognition, international rights and position of these un-recognized entities. Although not recognized they continue to exist on the basement and praxis of 'weberian state of legitimized monopoly of psychical power.' A question is what is future od 'de facto states' or 1strates within states' interms of survival in a frame of international order.
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When estimating the effects of party preference, it is common to use party choice as a dependent variable in discrete choice models. A new tool of measuring partisan preferences, the so-called propensity-to-vote (PTV) measure, however, is gaining ground in the studies of electoral behavior. The proponents of PTV claim that this measure provides a better estimate of party utilities than the party choice variable. Moreover, it provides many methodological advantages and research opportunities that are not available using discrete choice models. The most important advantage is the possibility to analyze factors determining the utility of generic party using a stacked data matrix. The purpose of this article is to explore the advantages and methodological issues of this approach, applying a PTV measure for analyzing the data of the Lithuanian National Election Study 2016. The first part of the article presents the theoretical and methodological grounds of the PTV measure. The second part reviews the variances and the degree of overlap of the PTVs of the seven biggest Lithuanian parties in the 2016 parliamentary elections. In the third part, the factors of party preferences are analyzed by running separate regression models on the PTVs of the main parties. Finally, in the last part of the paper, the determinants of the preferences of a generic party are analyzed using the stacked matrix. The analysis reveals surprising differences between the determinants of the preferences of different parties in Lithuania. The models with sociodemographic variables (education, income, occupation, age, ethnicity, living place, religiosity and gender) and the attitude toward the Soviet past explain relatively well the propensities to vote for the Homeland Union – Lithuanian Christian Democrats and for the Polish Electoral Action – the League of Families. The preferences for the other five parties, however, are not accounted for by the sociodemographic variables. The models for all parties improve substantially when the evaluation of the economic situation, the perceived level of corruption, the attitudes on Russia and the evaluation of party leaders are added. Stacking the PTVs of the seven parties to one variable provides an opportunity to measure the determinants of generic party utilities in Lithuania, i.e., the factors determining the choice between the parties rather than factors accounting for the preference for a specific party. The OLS and multilevel models with a stacked matrix demonstrate similar results as the models for separate parties. However, the interpretation of the results is more difficult because of the use of Y-hats to determine (or to control for) the effects of sociodemographic and some other variables. It is only the distance between the respondent and his/her perceived position of parties on the relationship of Lithuania with Russia (measured on the 0–10 scale) that fits well the logic of this kind of analysis. The status of a party (government party versus opposition party), which was included as macro level variable, had substantive and statistically significant effect in the OLS regression model, but failed to reach statistical significance in the cross-classified multilevel model. In general, a PTV measure proved to be a useful and theoretically-sound tool for measuring party preferences. First, it reveals the overlap of party preferences among voters and shows the competitiveness of a party system. Second, it allows the analysis of party preferences of non-voters and voters of small parties. Third, it provides much more information on party preferences of a voter than an ipsative party choice variable, and this information might be of special interest for the analysis of an unstable electorate of new democracies. However, the idea to use a PTV measure to analyze the support for generic party appears to be somewhat controversial. The analysis suggests that this approach only provides meaningful results for variables that are measured directly for a respondent*party combination used in stacked matrix. Moreover, the comparison of different models demonstrates that if party level variables are to be included in the model, the PTVs of a generic party should be modelled using a cross-classified, multilevel model, rather than an OLS regression.
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Author strives to use the theory of offensive realism in context of roles and behaviors of small Balkan states (Serbia, Romania, Bulgaria and Greece) in World War I which points to futility of discussion whether the blame for starting the war should be attributed to great Germany or small Serbia. Analysis shows that small Balkan states behaved totally according to offensive realism theory - they were even directed towards expansionism more than most great powers, whose expansionism was primarily defensive. Yet, their role in causing the war was smaller than the role of great powers as key actors of international relations, which excludes the guilt of any of them, including Serbia. As Germany was the most powerful state at the time, her role was most significant but Germany can't be blamed as the culprit of war. Cause of World War I lies in the fact that international system of that time had the characteristics of unbalanced multipolar system, and that the most powerful force in it, Germany, resorted to policy of hegemony in order to secure its own safety. Analysis offers series of lessons for modern international relations, especially for roles and behaviors of small states in those relations. Example of Balkans in World War I and of latter events shows how intemperance in expansionist ambitions of small states can be disastrous for them.
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Humanity is in the 'moment' of the epochal transition from the 'state' of historical demission of the old capitalist order in the 'state' of formation and stabilization of the new one. Forms, internal architectonics and shape of a new world that is looming on the horizon of events in the literal sense depends on the knowledge and moral values underlying our present actions and decisions. Svetozar Stojanovic know about this rule. Therefore, he undertaken so large activity such as the search for alternatives to the ruling order of the global corporate dystopia that has captured humanity. Freedom, individual and social, is the ultimate regulation and the building principle of the world sought by Stojanovic. According to this general philosophical , theoretical and moral position, Stojanović has held active opposition to the ruling world order of corporate dystopia and all its ideological and structural derivatives deployed between the Ideal West and the Ideal East. Acceptable way out of that trap is and can only be the historical alternative to the least possible human and material losses exceeding the permitted oppressive, totalitarian and apocalyptic drama of today's human and humanity in general. For Svetozar Stojanovic, this acceptable way out is the global democratic socialism.
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The author’s starting point is the thesis that policy analysis can be successfully used in the context of political systems undergoing transformation and not only in politically stable systems. Such an approach requires a contextual redefinition of some policy categories and approaches, and in the first place a redefinition of the policy arena and of those who take part in it. The model of the policy arena includes three specific political spaces: the formal, the informal, and the space of the transition of the informal into the formal one. This paper studies the policy arena through the example of the Slovene movement for peace and for the legalization of the right to conscientious objection.
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In this paper interventionism is discussed through two comparative periods related to Bosnia and Herzegovina – the Austro-Hungarian occupation and war at the end of the 20th century - in the light of Balkanism as a leitmotif and justification for the Just War. Relevant statements of significant political actors from the mentioned periods are given and analyzed in the service of further evaluation of interventionism. The mechanism of soft interventionism is shown on the example of national identity management, while the third part summarizes the correlation between interventionism and the question of sovereignty.
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The quantitative analysis focuses on effects of a single nationwide electoral district on proportionality of seats–votes shares (Least Squares Index) and proportionality of territorial representation (advantage ratio index at the individual level and an adaptation of distortion index at the aggregate level) in the Slovak parliamentary elections. The case study concludes that metropolitan area (the Bratislava Region) is strongly over-represented in the Slovak parliament while other regions are under-represented. At the same time, the analysis showed that seats-votes proportionality and proportionality of territorial representation are not necessarily opposing principles. For example, the mechanism of the electoral system to the German Bundestag makes clear that it is possible to maintain a high degree of both of them.
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The new European regulation of personal data protection domain is a real reorganization of the specific system, with profound effects on public administration staff or on labor market actors causing the emergence of new opportunities but of limitations too. The institution of the personal data protection officer, although not new, needs some clarification in the new setting.
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