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Prisoners can reduce jail terms by 30 days for each work of ‘scientific value’ they publish.
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This article of theoretical reflection investigates the social networks that emerge in the context of Web 2.0, such as Facebook, as dispositives of neoliberal governmentality in the sense proposed by Foucault. From the standpoint of government of self, the design of social networks establishes a competition for attention that tends to favor the neoliberal culture of performance. In terms of social organization, the way in which users intertwine their connections is paralleled by the neoliberal paradigm of spontaneous market order. Furthermore, the use of personal information on these users, encompassing all their activities within the networks, in order to set up databases to attract advertisers reflects the neoliberal tendency of colonization of the different realms of existence by economic forces. However, the tensions that accompany neoliberal governmentality in social networks reveal its limitations, opening the possibility for these networks to also act as instruments of resistance to neoliberalism.
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The text presents the results of the survey concerning voting behaviour of residents of 107 main Polish cities in 2015 parliamentary election. Its aim is the analysis of dissimilarity of results concerning different lists in electoral districts with reference to the level of support in the whole town, with the use of voting behaviour diversity index. Ten cities with the highest diversity indication were analysed in detail and especially the districts whose results differed the most from the whole town results were checked. Proposed explanations concern the type of settlement and groups living in a given district.
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The article is based on the assumptions of the neighborhood effect, defined as a spatial diversity of electoral behavior. It reflects the structural and social differences, but taking into account the effect of context, where living space is a context of reference. Election results in Szczecin in the years 2006-2015 have been studied in this article. Author compared the boundaries of constituencies and neighborhoods, assigning constituencies to specific neighborhoods and then creating neighborhood's characteristics by determining the ratio between the support or the turnout in the neighborhood and in the whole city. Studies have shown that the overall picture of the distribution and diversity of electoral behavior of inhabitants of the city is relatively stable in time and independent of the type of election, except for the election to the City Council. Voter turnout is differentiating electoral behavior in neighborhoods to the greatest extent.
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The referendum on United Kingdom’s membership in the European Union took place on June 23, 2016. With a turnout of 72.2%, 51.9% of those participating supported Brexit, while 48.1% voted against. The 2016 referendum was the second one on the British membership in the European project. The first one held in 1975 ended negatively for those supporting Brexit. The main objective of this paper is to analyze the British referendums of 1975 and of 2016, with a special focus on answering the question about the results of British votes and prospects of using the referendum in the process of deciding on matters of integration. An important task in this paper is to answer the question about the possible consequences of 2016 vote - both: for the United Kingdom and for the European Union.
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The aim of the article is to discuss the principles of social policy Commune City of Szczecin. On the basis of a strategic document which is the Strategy for Solving Social Problems for the Municipality of the City of Szczecin in the years 2015-2020 shows that the social problems arising from the diagnosis of social problems, the entities responsible for the implementation of social policy in Szczecin and objectives set out in the Strategy placed to realize institutions and local entities social policies to achieve the expected results.
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The author has concentrated on the idea of a socio-cultural regionalism, which is depicted in terms of historical-axiological reminiscences. He has emphasised the enormous cultural potential of this idea, which is not sufficiently used in the practice of local governments. He presented the approach of regionalism as an important value in the modern state, which forces the search for consensus and tolerance between people of different values living together in a pluralistic and democratic state, which is also a kind of community of values.
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The network paradigm needs explaining the importance of participation in the strategic management of regions and its impact on the competitiveness of the region, shaping the vision for the future of the region and meeting public needs. An important but underrated instrument supporting participatory management at the regional level is a regional foresight. The aim of the article is to present the potential of regional foresight programme in increasing participation in the strategic management of the region.
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The article focus on theoretical and practical aspects of contemporary media policy, finding the phenomena as an activity of creation and implementation of general principles and rules regarding the operation of media organizations and mediated public communication. In fact media policy is based on two different levels of regulation: government and governance. The author discusses the activities of key actors of media policy and regulation. He claims that within the internal affairs an important role in Media Policy play the regulatory authorities. Among the key actors of European Media Policy are such institutions as the Council of Europe, OSCE and European Union, while on a global scale operate especially ITU, WTO, ONZ and UNESCO.
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The review of: A szocialista rendszer. Kritikai politikai gazdaságtan by János Komai; Budapest, Heti Világgazdaság Kiadói Rt., 1993, 670 pp. English edition: The Socialist System. The Political Economy of Communism; Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1992, 644 pp.
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The Millennial Memorial, erected in 1896 to celebrate one thousand years of Hungary’s statehood, was the embodiment of what many a contemporary would have sworn was impossible: welding the various conflicting interpretations of power and the legitimacy of power advanced by Hungary’s fiercely competitive political parties into the semblance of a balanced and unified whole. The completed work, at any rate, has a force and serenity suggestive of ideological unity.
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The review of: Nemzet és egyéniség. Drámairodalmunk az 1810-es években: a hazafiság drámái (Nation and Individual. Hungarian Drama in the 1810s: Patriotic Dramas) by Imre Nagy; Budapest: Argumentum Kiadó, 1993, 242 pp.
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The review of: A centralizáció csapdája (The Trap of Centralization) by László Bruszt; Szombathely: Savaria University Press, 1995, 293 pp.
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This paper aims to demonstrate the significance and relevance of the poststructural gaze towards the economy by both tracing the conceptual common places of this approach as well as practicing this theoretical position in the concrete analysis of indebtedness of the financial system. A brief and localized, but nonetheless significant tradition of the poststructural problematizing of the category of economy is here presented through three key disciplines: governmentality studies, economic sociology and international political economy. After portraying the contributions and limitations of those disciplines, the second part of the paper analyzes the apparatus of standardification and validification of credit risk within banks, namely the Basel Capital Accord and practices of securitisation. By offering a genealogy of those techniques, we interpret finance as a discursive space (re)articulated through an aggregate of normalized mechanisms and practices which collectively form a rationality of governance. In this way, we point out the importance of performative, symbolic, relational, decentered and contingent moments in the critical conception of (financial) economy, as well as show that the critique of economy does not necessarily have to be organized and conducted through the capital – class – ideology matrix.
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Recent debates on refugees and migrations in Europe have primarily focused on the vast amount of migrants arriving from North Africa and the Middle East and the large number of Poles who have relocated to the United Kingdom; arguably both issues have played a major role in the outcome of the Brexit referendum as well as political changes elsewhere in Europe. What is largely missing from these discussions, however, is an examination of previous centuries of European immigration to other parts of the world, such as Central and Eastern European migrations to South America.
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Moj prilog razmatra slijedeća pitanja: Prvo pitanje je: - zašto su manjine u tako velikom broju zemalja izložene diskriminaciji vladajućih većina - čak i u uvjetima demokratske vlasti i ustava? Dokazat ću da prevlađujući oblik zapadne demokracije - model većinske demokracije - ima ozbiljnih nedostataka u pogledu zaštite manjina. Moje drugo pitanje bavi se slijedećim problemom: - postoji li oblik demokracije koji je posebno prilagođen za bavljenje integracijom manjina i problemom multikulturne koegzistencije? Pokušat ću pokazati uporednim sagledavanjem, da postoji alternativni model "većinskoj demokraciji" - "demokracija konsenzusa". Demokracija konsenzusa se sastoji iz podjele vlasti između većinskih grupa društva a njezini glavni elementi su proporcionalno predstavljanje i federalizam. Povijesno iskustvo uči da ovaj oblik demokracije nudi brojne prednosti za političku integraciju u multikulturnom društvu. Treće i posljednje pitanje je slijedeće: - postoje li putovi i sredstva za razvijanje demokratske podjele vlasti čak i u teškim uvjetima kakve nalazimo u demokracijama Centralne i Istočne Europe, ili ovdje u Bosni?
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