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Корупция, контрабанда и институционална реформа: Трансграничната престъпност в България и дейността на митниците и МВР за нейното пресичане (2001 – 2002 г.)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

The present report summarizes researches and discussions conducted by members of the expert group within the framework of the Bulgarian anti-corruption initiative Coalition 2000 established in 1997. The report is dedicated to one of the most serious problems of the Bulgarian transition towards market economy, stable democratic institutions and legal state. The exploding growth of trans-border crime during the last 12 years has led to the emergence of criminal infrastructure, developed and maintained by criminal groups and semi-legal "power groups," which have appeared in the mentioned period. The trans-border crime in Bulgaria is a part of the new network of international organized crime, which was established after the end of the Cold War and which is closely connected to the regional channels of smuggling and trafficking. Smuggling (including drug smuggling) and trafficking are in particular the main sources of income for organized crime in the country. It is impossible to successfully fight the trans-border crime in the country without a determined effort to counter systemic corruption within the law-enforcing and law-protecting institutions. Enormous part of the criminal acts and irregularities concerning import and export of goods, drugs and weapons, as well as illegal trafficking of human beings, is conducted through unlawful cooperation with customs officers, employees of the National Border Police Service and other state institutions, responsible for border control. Corruption networks are part of the systemic smuggling or of the so-called smuggling channels, and the funds for bribing state employees represent "production costs" for organizers of smuggling. Without doubt, it is difficult to present an accurate assessment of the discussed problems, due to the lack of information about the exact parameters of smuggling, in particular of the drug smuggling, and about the real scale of corrupt practices. Hence the huge importance of indirect indicators like marketing researches in regard with the presence of particular goods on the market, and methods for comparison of such data with official customs statistics for import and exports of the same goods. Apart from these methods, of particular importance is the role of export analyses, reporting on informal "price-lists" of corrupt services, as well as of the scope and value of the realized smuggling deals and operations.

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Innovation Management, Entrepreneurship and Sustainability (IMES 2017)

Author(s): / Language(s): English

The 5th International Conference Innovation Management, Entrepreneurship and Sustainability (IMES 2017) took place on May 25-26, 2017 at the University of Economics, Prague. The conference was organised by the Department of Entrepreneurship of the University of Economics, Prague, Czech Republic in cooperation with Faculty of Management, Comenius University in Bratislava, Slovakia and Perm National Research Polytechnic University, Russia and other partners.Sound keynote speakers – William B. Gartner (Copenhagen Business School), Bengt Johannisson (Linnaeus University), Jerzy Cieślik (Kozminski University), Art Gogatz (World Innovation Team), Alistair J. Fee (Queen´s University Belfast), Lorraine M. Uhlaner (EDHEC Business School in Roubaix), Matt Johnson (Leuphana Universität Lüneburg), and Martin Lukeš (University of Economics in Prague), discussed the trends in the fields of innovation management, entrepreneurship and sustainability. The conference aimed to achieve academic excellence in a regional context and to establish a platform for mutual collaboration, exchange and dissemination of ideas among researchers and professionals.This conference proceedings contain contributions of the conference participants presented during both days of the conference. Authors of papers come from 20 countries all over the world, namely from Canada, Croatia, Czech Republic, France, Germany, Hungary, Chile, Lithuania, Nigeria, Paraguay, Poland, Russia, Serbia, Slovenia, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey and USA. All these contributions have successfully passed the doubleblind peer-review process.

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Capital, Melting Glaciers and 2°C

Author(s): Bistra Boeva / Language(s): English

This book is dedicated to those, who wish for a stress-free natural environment for themselves, their children and their children’s children. The narrative tells the story of how investments – a critical factor in the global economy – can mitigate the impact of climate change. Finding a way for the key corporate governance players to reconcile economic and sustainable development criteria is the main theme. This is a point that needs to be understood by the global community, because, unlike financial crises, the ill effects of global warming can not be reversed.Working on sustainable development issues from the vantage point of corporate governance is a continuous journey, as new topical phenomena emerge and their proper place must be found in the scientific narrative.English. First edition (Updated First Bulgarian edition, 2018)

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Conferinţa de cercetare în construcţii, economia construcţiilor, urbanism şi amenajarea teritoriului. Rezumate ale lucrărilor

Author(s): / Language(s): English,Romanian

Includes abstracts of the papers presented in the research conference on constructions, economy of constructions, architecture, urbanism and territorial development.

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Членството на България в Европейския съюз: единадесет години по-късно

Author(s): / Language(s): English,Bulgarian

This book collects scientific papers and reports presented on the conference ‘The Membership of Bulgaria in the EU: Eleven Years Later’ organized by the International Economic Relations and Business Department at University of National and World Economy (UNWE), Sofia, Bulgaria. The conference, held on 19 October 2018, was dedicated to the results of the Bulgarian presidency of the Council of European Union in 2018. It was patronaged by the UNWE Rector Prof. D. Sc. (Econ) Statti Stattev. The keynote speaker at the conference was Lilyana Pavlova, PhD, Minister for the Bulgarian Presidency of the Council of the European Union 2018, the first time Bulgaria chaired the rotating presidency. The authors dedicate their research topics in areas such as: practical results of the 2018 Bulgarian presidency of the Council of EU, contemporary financial issues and trends within EU and the Eurozone, banking trends, the common currency, risk management, Fintech, climate action and climate change, electricity production, Cohesion, competitiveness, multiannual financial framework, migration, social entrepreneurship, corporate identity, marketing efficiency aspects, multicultural projects and stakeholders management, etc.‘The Membership of Bulgaria in the EU: Eleven Years Later’ is an annually organized academic event with the vision to foster open dialogue, offer contemporary research and exchange of ideas between fellow academics, policy makers, businesses, stakeholders and the public.

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Gu Hongming prekursorem idei fuzji cywilizacji. Konfucjanizm jako ratunek dla Zachodu i świata

Author(s): Marek Tylkowski / Language(s): Polish

An intellectual biography of one of the most influential Chinese political and social thinkers at the turn of XIXth/XXth centuries.

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Local Election in Kosovo: Independence Accomplished – New Goals Ahead for Kosovo

Author(s): Aljaf Bakhtyar,Zijad Bećirović / Language(s): English

The first local election in Kosovo since the country proclaimed its independence on 17 February 2008 is scheduled for 15 November 2009. Voters in Kosovo will choose mayors and deputies for local assemblies who will run 33 municipalities for the next four years. 74 political parties and citizens’ movements are taking part in the ballot including independent lists and lists of ethnic minority communities. They comprise 35 Kosovo Albanian and 23 Serbian “political entities”. EU special representative in Kosovo Pieter Feith stated that after the election three new municipalities (Gračanica, Klokot and Ranilug) and the enlarged municipality of Novo Brdo would be established, which might further encourage the Serbian minority in their aspirations for decentralisation. According to the peace mediator Martti Ahtisaari’s plan Kosovo should have 38 municipalities. The election will not be held in the municipalities of North Mitrovica and Parteš, which should become new municipalities according to the plan. In the municipalities of Gračanica, Klokot and Ranilug the election process will be the same as in all other municipalities.

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Albania and 2009 Parliamentary Elections: Election Campaign with the Taste of Blood

Author(s): Aljaf Bakhtyar,Zijad Bećirović / Language(s): English

Unlike the beginning of the election campaign when different signals were sent, the final part of the campaign has become r aggressive. The two main protagonists, Sali Berisha (Democratic Party - PD) and Edi Rama (Socialist Party - PS), reduced their duels to the level of personal insults. The tensions led to the assassination of a Democratic Party activist in a village near Kavaja, but the situation was soon put under control in order to avoid further clashes between the two political parties. Despite the political benefits of the assassination for the Democratic Party the reactions were reduced to the level of verbal conflicts which paved the way for potential political radicalisation. Severe verbal conflicts and accusations have marked all public meetings and television debates in recent days, diverting attention from the essential problems present in the Albanian society.

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Albania and 2009 Parliamentary Elections: Socialist Alliance for Integration – The Key to Composing the New Government

Author(s): Aljaf Bakhtyar,Zijad Bećirović / Language(s): English

After the list of candidates for deputies to the new Assembly of the Republic of Albania was published, the election race for the parliamentary elections scheduled for 28 June 2009 started. Political parties launched intensive campaigns by presenting their candidates. This does not exclude the possibility of various tensions, which is quite different from the situation at the last elections which took place four years ago. There will be 45 political parties competing at the parliamentary elections, of which 36 parties are united in four large coalitions. The largest of these four coalitions is ”Alliance for Changes‟ uniting as many as 17 parties and run by the Democratic Party (PD) led by Prime Minister Sali Berisha. The ”Unification for Changes‟ is the second coalition run by the Socialist Party (PS) and headed by Tirana’s Mayor Edi Rama, covering another four parties (G99, Social Democratic Party (PSD), Party for Social Democracy (PDS) and Party of the Greek Minority (PBDNJ)). The third coalition is called ”Socialist Alliance for Integration‟ run by the Socialist Movement for Integration (LSI) of the former Prime Minister Ilir Meta, and comprising also Petro Koci’s PSV91, the Green Party of Albania, the Movement for Human Rights and Liberties, the Immigration Party and the party called “new tolerance”. The fourth coalition called ”Poli i Lirisë‟ (Freedom Pole) is led by the Christian Democratic Party and unites also the Conservative Party, the Movement for National Development, the Party for Democratic Union, the “Way to Freedom” Party and the Party for Democratic Reforms.

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Security Sector Reform and Media in BiH - The Way Ahead to Security Sector Good Governance

Author(s): Mariangela Fittipaldi / Language(s): English

The Security Sector Reform (SSR) in BiH is proving to be a major step forward in the institutional building process. Although an ongoing development, it has recently been characterized by some important improvements, especially as far as the adoption of the new Defence Law is concerned. In order to foster changes towards security sector good governance, the role played by the main civil society sections in monitoring the reform is crucial. Thus, the forthcoming years will be particularly important with regard to the extent to which media, representatives of civil society, centres of research, and NGOs will be able to participate in the process and constantly monitor the changes in the security landscape of the country. In particular, media play a vital role in providing an essential link between civil society and government. This is even more necessary with regard to security, the supply of this public good being an essential pre-condition to economic and political development. When media are independent, regulated and developed, the effectiveness of the cited role is more likely to come into force. Consequently, the absence of these conditions would seriously impair the possibility for media to function like a «watchdog» with regard to decision-making and policies adopted. On the other hand, the model of good governance of the security sector assumes a wider participation of civil society in the evolution of the security sector. This implies that several efforts have to be undertaken in order to keep the public informed on security issues. Therefore, a full participation of media in the SSR process would contribute to make the international and local institutions in charge of defence and security matters accountable and transparent toward the public. This report analyses media's coverage of security issues in BiH. Through an assessment of the complex relationship between media and the security sector in the country, the openness of the security sector itself will be taken into account. The ultimate aim of this study is to evaluate the pace to a good governance of the security sector for BiH. The report will use two important guidelines for enquiries. On the one hand, the extent to which the security institutions in BiH are accountable, open and responsible to media will be evaluated. The issue will be considered of primary concern since a substantial part of the relation at stake depends on the structure of the security sector. The research will further focus on the extent to which media are open to security institutions and specialized in dealing with security issues, the obstacles to quality journalism and capacity to report on security-related issues being one of the central aspects of media relation to security. Finally, the report will be partly based on the theoretical model of security governance, which assumes an increasing interaction between media and the state. Although many changes have taken place in the organisation of the security sectors of the most advanced democracies, a full media involvement is far from being reached since the extent of participation is dependent on both structural and contingent limits entailing the model itself.

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Reforma sigurnosnog sektora i mediji u BiH - Put ka uspješnom upravljanju sigurnosnim sektorom

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bosnian

Reforma sigurnosnog sektora (RSS) predstavlja veliki korak naprijed u procesu institucionalne izgradnje. Trenutni razvoj okarakterisan je poboljšanjima, barem kada je riječ o usvajanju novog Zakona o odbrani. S ciljem usvajanja promjena koje se tiču dobrog upravljanja sigurnosnim sektorom, uloga koju ima civilno društvo u praćenju reformi je od krucijalnog značaja. Osim toga, godine koje slijede biće izuzetno značajne s obzirom na stupanj u kojem će mediji, predstavnici civilnog društva, istraživački centri i NVO-e biti u biti u mogućnosti da učestvuju i konstantno prate promjene u procesu koji se tiče sigurnosnih pitanja u zemlji. Poseban značaj u osiguravanju veze između civilnog društva i vlade imaju mediji. Njihova je uloga još značajnija kad je riječ o sigurnosti, jer obezbjeđivanje tog opšteg dobra jeste osnovni preduslov za ekonomski i politički razvoj. Kada su mediji nezavisni, regulisani i razvijeni, efektivost navedene uloge tada je potpuna. U protivnom, nedostatak ovih uslova može ozbiljno ugroziti mogućnost medija da funkcioniraju kao «nadzornici» u pogledu donošenja i usvajanja odluka. Sa druge strane, model dobrog upravljanja sigurnosnim sektorom podrazumijeva veće učešće civilnog društva u nastajanju sigurnosnog sektora. Ovo ukazuje na potrebu poduzimanja određenih koraka da bi se osigurala informisanost javnosti u pogledu sigurnosnih pitanja. Prema tome, potpuno učešće medija u procesu reforme sigurnosnog sektora doprinjet će stvaranju međunarodnih i lokalnih institucija zaduženih za pitanja odbrane i sigurnosti, a koje bi bile transparentne i dostupne javnosti. Ovaj izvještaj analizira medijsku pokrivenost sigurnosnih pitanja u BiH. Kroz uspostavljanje složene veze između medija i sigurnosnog sektora u zemlji, bila bi uzeta u obzir otvorenost sigurnosnog sektora kao takvog. Glavni cilj ove studije je evaluacija napretka dobrog upravljanja sigurnosnim sektorom u BiH. U izvještaju su korištene dvije važne vodilje za istraživanje. Sa jedne strane, biće evaluiran stepen zastupljenosti sigurnosnih institucija u BiH, odnosno koliko su otvorene i odgovorne prema medijima. Ovo pitanje se razmatra kao primarno s obzirom na stvarno učešće u relaciji i strukturi sigurnosnog sektora. Izvještaj će se nadalje fokusirati na stepen otvorenosti medija za sigurnosne institucije i stručnost medija kada su u pitanju sigurnosne teme, te na ograničenja kvalitetnog novinarstva i mogućnost izvještavanja o temama u vezi sa sigurnosti, kao jednog od glavnih aspekata odnosa medija prema sigurnosti. Na kraju, izvještaj će biti djelomično baziran na teoretskom modelu sigurnosnog upravljanja, koji podrazumijeva pojačanu saradnju između medija i države. Premda su se desile mnoge promjene u organizacijama sigurnosnog sektora u najnaprednijim demokratijama, potpuno učešće medija još nije postignuto, s obzirom da stepen učešća zavisi i o strukturalnim i o mogućim ograničenjima.

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The Office of the High Representative and Security Sector Reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Denis Hadžović / Language(s): English

In the after-math of conflict, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) made significant progress in the development and sustainment of a peaceful environment; a progress that can be indicated, amongst others, with the establishment of state-level institutions in the field of security. Their inception represents, firstly, a conflict-prevention element and secondly a vital instrument that can be utilised towards Euro-Atlantic integrations. To that end, immeasurable support has been provided by the international community, primarily through the Office of the High Representative (OHR) in BiH, an ad hoc institutions that were established to overlook the implementation of the civil component of the Dayton Peace Accords. With the efforts of the OHR and international community, BiH has executed one of the most successful reforms of the judicial system in the region. It has also seen the establishment of a unified armed force and intelligence-security agency, a state protection and a investigation agency, state border police, customs control and the state court. All of these institutions were established either following a direct legislative instruction or indirect pressure from the OHR operating under a quest to reach a compromise between the ruling political actors in Bosnia and Herzegovina. With these accomplishments in mind, the intention of the author was to offer practitioners and academics who deal with peacebuilding a modest contribution in view of supporting the further development of these processes, and present an insight into the OHR experience gained during the implementing period of these reforms and peacebuilding in BiH, with particular focus on security sector reform. I would like to use this opportunity to express my gratitude to the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) on their financial support of this research, as well as to the staff of the Centre for Security Studies, Mr. Armin Krzalic, Mr. Jasmin Ramovic, Ms. Sanja Mihajlovic, Ms. Lana Tancica and Ms. Andrea Tefterdarija, who worked in the capacity of a junior professional during the period of the research, on their invaluable contributions. Our gratitude is also extended to everyone who directly or indirectly contributed to the implementation of the research, either through interviews or literature that was used for the needs of the research, and library of PSOTC – Peace Support Operations Training Centre Sarajevo. We sincerely hope this research, which also encompassing a local perspective, will serve as a contribution to discussions regarding peacebuilding and security sector reform in post-conflict societies.

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Ured visokog predstavnika i reforma sigurnosnog sektora u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Denis Hadžović / Language(s): Bosnian

U post-ratnom periodu Bosna i Hercegovina je ostvarila značajan napredak u procesu izgradnje mira koji se, između ostalog, ogleda i u uspostavljanju državnih institucija u oblasti sigurnosti. Njihovo osnivanje predstavlja bitan doprinos smanjenu mogućnosti izbijanja ponovnog sukoba u BiH i pomoć na njenom putu integracije u euro-atlanske strukture. Nemjerljiv doprinos ovim ostvarenjima pružila je međunarodna zajednica, prvenstveno djelovanjem kroz Ured visokog predstavnika (OHR) u BiH, ad hoc institucije uspostavljene da nadgleda implementaciju civilnog dijela Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma. Zahvaljujući naporima OHR-a i međunarodne zajednice Bosna i Hercegovina provodi jednu od najuspješnijih reformi pravosudnog sistema u regionu i uspostavila je jedinstvene oružane snage, obavještajno sigurnosnu agenciju, graničnu službu, državnu agenciju za istraživanje i zaštitu, carinsku službu i državni sud. Ove institucije uspostavljene su ili zakonima nametnutim direktno od strane OHR-a ili indirektno, uz njegov permanentan pritisak, koji je u krajnjoj instanci vodio do kompromisa među političkim akterima u Bosni i Hercegovini. Imajući ove činjenice u vidu, namjera autora bila je da ovim istraživanjem ponudi svoj skromni doprinos praktičarima i akademskim djelatnicima koji se bave pitanjima izgradnje mira u svijetu. Jedan od primarnih ciljeva ponuđenog istraživanja je da podrži daljnji razvoj ovih procesa, te pruži uvid u iskustvo OHR-a stečeno tokom prvođenja aktivnosti na izgradnji mira u BiH, sa posebnim osvrtom na reformu sigurnosnog sektora. Ovom prilikom želim iskazati posebnu zahvalnost Ženevskom centru za demokratski nadzor oružanih snaga (DCAF) na finansijskoj podršci koja je omogućila realizaciju ovog istraživanja, kao i osoblju Centra za sigurnosne studije, Arminu Kržaliću, Jasminu Ramoviću, Sanji Mihajlović, Lani Tančici i Andrei Teftedariji koja je u tom periodu stažirala u Centru, za njihov nemjerljiv doprinos na izradi ovog istraživanja. Ujedno bih se zahvalio i svima onima koji su na direktan ili indirektan način doprinijeli provođenju istraživanja, bilo putem intervuisanja, bilo putem autorskog rada na literaturi koja je korištena za potrebe istraživanja, kao i biblioteci Centra za obuku za operacije potpore miru u Sarajevu (PSOTC – Peace Support Operations Training Centre). Nadamo se da će predočeno istraživanja, koje ujedno predstavlja i pogled iz perspektive lokalnih aktera, ostvariti svoju svrhu te pružiti doprinos raspravama koje se vode po pitanjima izgradnje mira u svijetu i reformi sigurnosnog sektora u post-konfliktnim društvima.

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What does a second Obama term mean for Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Balkan region?

Author(s): Heidi Hullinger / Language(s): English

The 2012 US presidential elections had Europe on its toes, hoping that US citizens chose a candidate that would surely win if the rest of the world had a vote. But Bosnians had little to go on, they’ve only known Obama to be the hands off sort, leaving the region to the expertise of Biden and Clinton and their deputies. It is hard for Bosnians to know what the election results would mean if Romney were elected. The European Union was largely absent from presidential discussions, so why would the Balkan region and enlargement countries be a topic of discussion? Regional policy has been an exercise in cooperation with the European Union, taking a backseat to the Accession process and contributing with aid and missions that focus on assisting Bosnia and Herzegovina in fulfilling NATO accession conditions. As a result, the US gets to play good cop, while the EU works, so far fruitlessly, to tackle corruption, constitutional reform and other hot button topics that cast the EU as bad cop. The appointment of the next US Secretary of State is the latest topic of conversation making headlines in the US. However, US-Bosnian relations and their engagement in the region is unlikely to see any major changes. Either way, the US may decide that it better serve Bosnians and its constituents at home by losing the good cop act and put tangible pressure on politicians.

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Assessment of Police Integrity in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Hamza Višća,Alma Kovačević / Language(s): English

A question of police integrity in BiH is quite difficult to consider due to the complexity of the police system. The police sector in BiH consists of 16 police agencies at all levels of government and 6 institutions which provide them support or carry out similar activities. This fact makes any research difficult because each police agency could be considered as an individual entity and particular research could be committed for each of them. Generally, findings of the report indicate that neither the legal framework, nor the practice is satisfying to ensure police integrity. In addition to that, the citizens assess police work as very weak and its efforts insufficient in fighting corruption. A very high influence of politicians on the police work still exists; police transparency is not satisfying when it comes to investigation of serious cases of corruption; human resources management and financing require serious reforms to be more functional in the fight against corruption; while both internal and external controls need serious changes to be more independent and functional. This report could help to consider police integrity from important points of view, including legal framework and citizens’ perspective. The report can help make a comprehensive study and a deeper analysis of each chapter.

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Procjena integriteta policije u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Hamza Višća,Alma Kovačević / Language(s): Bosnian

Pitanje integriteta policije u BiH je vrlo teško razmatrati usljed složenosti policijskog sistema. Sektor policije u BiH se sastoji od 16 policijskih agencija na svim nivoima vlasti i 6 institucija koje im pružaju podršku ili obavljaju slične aktivnosti. Ova činjenica otežava svako istraživanje, jer se svaka policijska agencija može smatrati kao pojedinačni subjekat, a istraživanje se može primjeniti posebno za svaku od njih. Općenito, rezultati ovog izveštaja ukazuju na to da niti pravni okvir, niti praksa ne obezbjeđuju osiguravanje integriteta policije. Osim toga, javnost ocjenjuje rad policije kao vrlo slab, a njihove napore u borbi protiv korupcije kao nedovoljne. Veliki uticaj političara na rad policije još uvijek postoji; transparentnost policije nije zadovoljavajuća kada je su pitanju istrage ozbiljnih slučajeva korupcije; upravljanje ljudskim resursima i finansiranje zahtijeva ozbiljne reforme kako bi bile funkcionalnije u borbi protiv korupcije; dok interne i eksterne kontrole zahtjevaju ozbiljne promjene kako bi bile nezavisne i funkcionalne. Ovaj izvještaj može da pomogne razmatranje integriteta policije sa važnih tački gledišta, uključujući pravni okvir i stavove građana. Takođe, izvještaj može da pomogne u sprovođenju sveobuhvatne studije i detaljnije analize svakog poglavlja.

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Zašto parlament ne nadzire Upravu za indirektno oporezivanje BiH?

Author(s): Mirela Hodović / Language(s): Bosnian

Parlamentarni nadzor predstavlja jedan od glavnih postulata demokratskog društva i političkog sistema države. Značaj ovog koncepta ogleda se u primjeni niza instrumenata kojima se nastoji osigurati efikasan parlamentarni nadzor nad institucijama izvršne vlasti. Ovaj vid demokratske kontrole i nadzora, posebno je bitan u oblasti sigurnosnog sektora, kome su u skladu sa odgovarajućim zakonima povjerene specifične nadležnosti. Parlamentarna skupština Bosne i Hercegovine, putem Zajedničke komisije za odbranu i sigurnost provodi parlamentarni nadzor nad 15 institucija sigurnosnog sektora koje djeluju na državnom nivou. Ovo parlamentarno tijelo redovno prati stanje i probleme sa kojima se suočavaju sigurnosni akteri u praksi, te u skladu sa svojim nadležnostima utiče na zakonitost, efikasnost i efektivnost njihovog rada.

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Uncharted Waters: The BRICS Expansion and Implications

Author(s): Ana-Maria Skaricic / Language(s): English

At the 15th BRICS summit in August 2023, the BRICS nations (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) announced plans to expand their membership by inviting six nations to join as official members. This move means that when Argentina, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, join the bloc with full membership in January 2024, BRICS will represent about 46.5% of the global population and about a third of the global GDP. The expansion will likely aid BRICS’ legitimacy as a representative and inclusive institution. However, it also makes an organisation that has already been criticised for being a varied, miscellaneous collection of member-states, even more heterogeneous, adding new regional dynamics, political governance structures, development stages, and economic specialisations to the mix. The expansion thus has considerable implications for the governance, efficacy, and character of BRICS as an international institution.

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Deepening and Expanding the Scope of the Commission’s Reporting of Developments in the “Functioning of Democratic Institutions” in WB6

Author(s): Strahinja Subotić,Đorđe Dimitrov / Language(s): English

This paper is an integral component of a broader initiative aimed at enhancing the Commission’s assessments within the “Functioning of Democratic Institutions” (FoDI) subarea. It builds upon prior work identifying the inconsistencies present in the Commission’s reporting on the Western Balkans (WB6) while also proposing methods to quantify the findings by cross-analysing the most renowned international democracy indexes. This paper goes further, as its primary objective is to identify and advocate for the introduction and integration of additional essential policy elements into the Commission’s reporting within the FoDI domain. Doing so would result in the deepening and expansion of the Commission’s reporting and assessment scope, thus providing a platform for a more detailed, precise, and realistic evaluation of the state of affairs on the ground. Such a comprehensive and in-depth examination is essential for fostering a deeper understanding of the challenges, strengths, and dynamics of democratic institutions within the assessed region, but also as a contribution towards increasing the overall credibility of the Commission’s reports.

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The Neverending story of senior civil service depoliticisation in Serbia

Author(s): Miloš Đinđić,Milena Lazarević / Language(s): English

Political influence on public administration is as old as administration itself. Given that civil servants are the ones who implement government policies, having control over them means controlling the institutions that execute political power and implement policies. This control also opens opportunities for rewarding loyalists and achieving political interests. When reduced to a minimum, such political manoeuvre is less likely to have a lasting impact on an administration’s functioning, but when it becomes overwhelming, a state apparatus can be completely captured by transient political actors, in the service of interests other than public.

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