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The ease with which Russia managed to surprise the political elites of the West with the events of early 2014 is dumbfounding. On the eve of the annexation of the Crimea, no one in the public space in Poland warned against the upcoming turn in the policies of Moscow. Representatives of the highest Polish authorities responsible for the security and foreign policy were clearly surprised with the developments. Undoubtedly, the “Crimean error” indicates that information that had been flowing from Russia for a long time was ignored as it did not fit into the policy adopted by the Polish authorities. From today's perspective, multiple signals can be indicated about the upcoming profound changes in the immediate environment of Polish security.When examining why the Polish authorities did not notice the upcoming shift in the politics of Russia, we should take into account the group thinking syndrome, described by Irving Janis. In this approach, group members try to minimize conflict and reach a consensus decision without critical evaluation of alternative viewpoints. This term has gained popularity in social psychology, but has also provided important research tools for the analysis of foreign policy, treated as a separate area in the context of international relations.
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Dans cette étude l'auteur présente quelques considerations de l'impact "de la question juive" sur des relations d'entre la Roumanie et la France.
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The times between the Treaty of Adrianople and World War II were favorable to the Danubian navigation growing within the Romanian area, except for some breaking intervals. The international commerce of the Danubian hinterland, mainly through the agency of foreign shipping companies, was characterized during the 19th century by a diplomatic war among the great European powers. Russophobia that London chancelleries kept internationally up during the second quarter of the 19th century was for the public opinion a subject as topical as controlling of any epidemics on the continent. The two British contractors John Andrews and Joseph Prichard had got in 1829 an exclusive privilege being allowed to navigate steamboats on the Danube, for three years. It was the context of “The First Austrian Steamboat Shipping Company on the Danube” (Erste österreichische Donau Dampfschiffahrts Gesellschaft – D.D.S.G.) coming into being. The steamboat “Francis I” made the test way between Vienna and Budapest in September 1830, and revolutionized so the European navigation. Soon after the regular navigation between Vienna and Constantinopole would better connect the Oriental world with the Occidental realities in the “century of nations”. For the present study I have used besides a series of works preponderately published in West Europe, unplublished documents from the Diplomatic Archives of the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs Bucharest, stock: Problema 68 (Societăţi de navigaţie fluvială, maritimă, aeriană: române şi străine). I might turn the readers’ attention to the fact that I won’t insist on the life and sociability on the ships that navigated on the Danube during the 19th century, however much exotic and captive would be such a subject.
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Grâce à leur position géographique, qui était à la frontière des trois grands empire qui se disputait la suprématie politique au sud-est de l'Europe, à savoir l' Empire des Habsbourg, l'Empire ottoman et l'Empire tzariste - chacun d'entre eux soutenu par d'autres grandes puissances du temps, désireuses que l'évolution de la situation politique de cette partie du continent n'affecte pas leur propre intérêt...
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This study represents an analysis of the United States-Romanian relations during 1961-1964, focusing on the background process that led to the elevation of diplomatic missions to embassy status in June 1964. Primarily based on documents from the American and Romanian archives, it reveals the path to diplomatic ties’ improvement during the Kennedy years and the Johnson Administration’s first year. While Romania was seeking to distance itself from the Moscow’s economic and political control and to strengthen its domestic and foreign position, the United States started to reexamine her relations with the satellite – countries from Eastern Europe. In this regard, the study explains how the US’ perception toward Romania started to change, what gestures and actions influenced this change and how the bilateral relations registered progress amidst Cold War crises and international tensions.
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When it became apparent with the so-called peace note of March 1966, Władysław Gomułka and the Polish leadership regarded the new orientation of the West German Ostpolitik as a threat to their policy towards Germany pursued up to then. Among the main aims of this German policy, which had been drafted after his obtaining the post of First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party (P.Z.P.R.) in October 1956, and which the author defines as “Gomułka Doctrine”, were the international recognition of the final character of the Oder-Neisse line (also by the Federal Republic) and the weakening of Bonn’s position in international politics, not least motivated by the desire to prolong, if not prevent at all, a reunification of Germany. Like the GDR, Poland strove to take advantage of the Federal Republic’s interest in relations with the countries of the Eastern bloc in order to realize its own goals. Both states considered Moscow’s policy, which was highly interested in settling relations with the Federal Republic and in establishing broader economic contacts, and therefore did not want to confront Bonn with unpleasant demands, to be unsatisfactory. The other bloc countries, too, were in a better starting position for talks with the West German government, since their bilateral relations with the Federal Republic were far less burdened by history. In this situation, Gomułka endeavoured to work out a joint policy for the bloc countries, which was to be based on a catalogue of conditions to be fulfilled by the Federal Republic when taking up diplomatic relations with any of the bloc countries. One of Poland’s possible allies was the GDR, even though the leaders of the two states did not have a liking for each other and the bilateral cooperation did not work very well. In early April, both states set their conditions and tried to have them included into the joint programmes of the bloc countries. Likewise, they attempted to move Moscow to support their plan to coordinate the German policy of the Eastern bloc. A lot has been written about the role Walter Ulbricht played in this context around 1966/67, while Gomulka’s significance has remained underestimated. The present paper intends to illuminate the activities of Polish politics at that time. Among other things, it describes the activities of the P.Z.P.R. leadership and Polish diplomacy concerning the other Eastern bloc countries, which were to be urged into solidarity with Poland at the cost of realizing their own interests. While historians have usually restricted themselves to relations within the triangle Federal Republic - Poland - GDR, this broader perspective allows the author to integrate the conflicting interests of the individual states within the Warsaw Pact, which, from the outside, has often been perceived as a monolithic bloc.
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In diesem Aufsatz sollen die unterschiedlichen Methoden aufgezeigt werden, mit denen die neapolitanischen Anjou einen Unterstützerkreis in Ungarn etablieren und so ihre Ansprüche auf den ungarischen Thron geltend machen wollten. Als der junge Caroberto – später als Karl I. König von Ungarn – im Jahre 1300 in Split eintraf, regierte in Ungarn der rechtmäßige König Andreas III. Split, die dalmatinische Küste und Kroatien wurden von der mächtigen Familie Šubići unter deren Ban Paul kontrolliert. Vor der Ankunft des jungen Thronanwärters versuchten beide Parteien, d. h. die Anjou und die Árpáden, sich der Loyalität des Ban zu versichern. Die Studie präsentiert die wichtigsten zeitgenössischen Quellen und vergleicht die unterschiedlichen Vorgehensweisen der konkurrierenden Familien. Die Vergabe von Ländereien und Titeln war eine damals übliche Praxis zur Sicherung von Loyalität, und beide Parteien nutzten diese Methode mit großem Erfolg. Obwohl der Hof der Anjou in Neapel über keine wirkliche Macht in Ungarn verfügte und deren Schenkungen somit nur nominell sein konnten, blieben die Šubići Karls Anliegen gegenüber loyal. Der ungarischen Historiografie zufolge führten hauptsächlich die räumliche Nähe und die engen wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen dazu, dass der Ban an der Seite der Anjou blieb. Diese Feststellung kann jedoch ausgedehnt werden auf das personelle Netzwerk Karls II. von Anjou, König von Sizilien und Großvater Carobertos, den er bei dessen Ansprüchen auf den ungarischen Thron maßgeblich unterstützte. Die Šubići und die Anjou hatten zu dieser Zeit bereits langjährige Beziehungen unterhalten. Die Quellen belegen, dass der Ban, seine Verwandten und deren Gesandten Neapel häufig besucht und sich so aufgrund persönlicher Bekanntschaft enge Beziehungen zwischen den beiden Familien entwickelt haben.
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As a result of the archaeological research developed at the Roman settlement of Romula a fragment of a Roman pottery was discovered, which is nowadays preserved in the Museum of Caracal. Here the word ΓΑΔΑΤΗС was incised. D. Tudor considered it a Syrian anthroponym derived from the name of the god Gad, which lead to the formation of numerous Syro-Palmyrean anthroponyms. This opinion was shared by all those who, up to the time being, inserted this graffito in various epigraphic corpora of Dacia, considering it as further evidence of the Syrian presence in Roman Dacia. Yet, the supporters of such a viewpoint did not take into account all the available data which allows us to assert that Gadates is definitely an Iranian anthroponym attested on other sources as following: Xenophon’s Cyropaedia, The Letter of Darius to Gadatas, the Elamite Ka-da-da inscription discovered in the Persepolis fortifications, a Greek inscription from Delos and another Greek inscription from Antiphellos in Lycia pertaining to the Roman period. Xenophon’s Gadatas and the one mentioned in the Letter provide the Iranian character of the anthroponym. Within the Letter, Darius specifically name Gadatas ‘(his) slave’. We encounter this term in the Old Persian variant of the Behistun inscription as comprised in the collocation mana bandaka, meaning ‘my subject’ or ‘my servant’. It exclusively refers to the highest ranked Iranian individuals in the proximity of the Great King. Gadatas anthroponym is probably ahypochoristic derived from Bagadata, a very widespread name in the pre-Islamic Iranian world, having the same meaning with the Greek Theodotos and the Slavic Bogdan, i.e. ‘the Gift of God’. We do not know precisely where Gatates of Romula came from. He could belong to Syria as well, where the Iranian anthroponyms were natural, as the land had been subjected to the Iranian rule for more than two centuries.
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The present article explores the position of the United Kingdom of Great Britain towards its Straits and its rivalry with Russia in this Region. The change in the attitude of the United Kingdom towards Bulgaria is followed, that from a Russian satellite it becomes an ally. The role of England and its support for the union between East Rumelia and the Principality of Bulgaria. There is also place for Stambolov as a subjective factor in the Bulgarian-British relations.
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Author, drawing on scientific researches of domestic and oversea historians, materials of press, exposes essence problems of "norths territories", process of its origin and position of the USA in its decision.
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A similar process occurred in all communist countries: a top-down revolution – in many cases an imported one – that extinguished the free market and replaced it with a centrally planned economy, a step that inevitably led to shortages. The socialist black markets which arose as a result, display many common, and some individual features. These depended, for example, on the level of shortage, historical experience (traditional attitudes towards respecting or not respecting the law), social structure, the prevailing political and international situation, as well as the size of the country. The present article analyses the way in which geographical and historical circumstances affected the various forms taken by the black market in post-war Poland (1944-1989), for there is no doubt that, for instance, the borders fixed during the partitions of the country, or the Second World War, with its border changes and concomitant mass emigration, are still affecting political, economic, and cultural life in Poland down to the present day. The distribution of poverty and prosperity, the extent of modernisation (in its widest sense), and patterns of political behaviour, still correspond to a great extent with these historical borders. During the lifetime of communist Poland, the hilly and mountainous South and the Northern regions on the Baltic both represented what one might describe as booming regions for black market trading. The pivotal reason for this were geographical and historical factors, which, in this case, exercised an enormous influence on local social, economic, and even political conditions. This can be most clearly seen in Zakopane (and Podhale inthe Carpathian foothills) in the south, and in the coastal region (particularly around Danzig) in the north. Apart from the north-south divide, with Zakopane and the Baltic coast, the article also compares the eastern and western border areas. Both on the river Oder and on the river Bug the borders showed that two neighbouring communities, regardless of the stereotypes, prejudices or historical background, always function like two interconnected tubes. A very slight difference of level in one is enough to set off a corresponding movement of people, ideas, or, in the case of the black market, goods, to the other. The article also shows the difference between the way black markets in the middle of cities and those on the outskirts functioned. The big city centers provided an excellent basis for developing black market trading strategies. The way business was done in the city markets was a world away from the traditional, often downright pre-industrial, forms of barter which largely characterised the provincial markets of the countryside. In cities, black market traders were not limited to groups known to each other, often for generations, but used “modern” business methods. On the outskirts of the cities, on the other hand, where the state sanctioned a higher level of private commerce, the attitude of state officials to spontaneous commercial activity was more liberal. Outlying areas of cities, especially in comparison to the industrial centers, often suffered supply shortages. As a result, the local authorities were often forced to deliberately turn a blind eye to the unofficial trading activities of their citizens.
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The paper analyses how personalization of tragedy of the participants of WWII was used to strengthen Yugoslav-Soviet ties in the first days after the liberation of Yugoslavia. The text also analyzes the processes of rapprochement and of establishing closer ties between the two countries during 1960s when new forms of political and cultural cooperation were based on renewed remembrance of the courage of the participants in the war. Special attention was devoted to interpretations of WWII in contemporary historiography which unearthed new data and opened new perspectives. Turning to experiences of individuals was suggested as a possibility of drawing conclusions without ideological revisions of the whole history of 20th century.
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The Romanian-Polish Convention of defensive alliance, signed a century ago on March 26, 1921, still represents a powerful symbol for the development of the excellent relations between Romania and Poland. The Romanian-Polish Convention of defensive alliance was renewed in 1926 as the Treaty of Guarantee and Conciliation between the Kingdom of Romania and the Republic of Poland, and once more in 1931. Between 1932 and 1936, the bilateral relations deteriorated due to diverging interests, but the treaty was tacitly renewed in 1936. The alliance become obsolete due to the outbreak of the Second World War, but Romania maintained its allegiance and offered its help to Poland. Despite German and Soviet pressure, Romania allowed the transit of the National Bank of Poland’s gold reserve and National Treasurers, in addition to about 100.000 Polish refugees, among them political leaders and 60,000 military personnel who reorganized and continued from exile the fight against Nazism and later Communism.
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In 1914, the world community had the first opportunity to get acquainted with the magnificent work of leading scientists and public figures, the famous „Report of the International Commission for investigation the causes and conducting of the Balkan wars", known as the Carnegie poll.
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The paper outlines the events of the last year of the longest lasting Bulgaro-Byzantine war (967 – 1018). At the time, part of the Bulgarian aristocracy defended the independence of the Bulgarian Tsardom until the very end. Many leaders of the Bulgarian people died in battle with the Romaioi. Such was the fate of the Bulgarian Tsar John-Vladislav, the commanders Ivats and Sermon, etc. Others preferred to save themselves and retain their privileges. Among them were the Bulgarian Tsaritsa Maria, the ruler of the Inner region Bogdan, the Patriarch John, and the Governors of Pernik – Krakra, of Strumitsa – Dragomazh, of Skopje – Nikolitsa, etc. Left without its last ruler who had until then personified the independence of the Tsardom, some members of the Bulgarian aristocracy accepted their fate to be driven out of Bulgaria, but to keep their economic privileges. In their place, Romaioi from Asia Minor, Armenia and other provinces of the Empire were appointed administrative and military heads in the conquered Bulgarian lands.
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