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The ease with which Russia managed to surprise the political elites of the West with the events of early 2014 is dumbfounding. On the eve of the annexation of the Crimea, no one in the public space in Poland warned against the upcoming turn in the policies of Moscow. Representatives of the highest Polish authorities responsible for the security and foreign policy were clearly surprised with the developments. Undoubtedly, the “Crimean error” indicates that information that had been flowing from Russia for a long time was ignored as it did not fit into the policy adopted by the Polish authorities. From today's perspective, multiple signals can be indicated about the upcoming profound changes in the immediate environment of Polish security.When examining why the Polish authorities did not notice the upcoming shift in the politics of Russia, we should take into account the group thinking syndrome, described by Irving Janis. In this approach, group members try to minimize conflict and reach a consensus decision without critical evaluation of alternative viewpoints. This term has gained popularity in social psychology, but has also provided important research tools for the analysis of foreign policy, treated as a separate area in the context of international relations.
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This study represents an analysis of the United States-Romanian relations during 1961-1964, focusing on the background process that led to the elevation of diplomatic missions to embassy status in June 1964. Primarily based on documents from the American and Romanian archives, it reveals the path to diplomatic ties’ improvement during the Kennedy years and the Johnson Administration’s first year. While Romania was seeking to distance itself from the Moscow’s economic and political control and to strengthen its domestic and foreign position, the United States started to reexamine her relations with the satellite – countries from Eastern Europe. In this regard, the study explains how the US’ perception toward Romania started to change, what gestures and actions influenced this change and how the bilateral relations registered progress amidst Cold War crises and international tensions.
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As a result of the archaeological research developed at the Roman settlement of Romula a fragment of a Roman pottery was discovered, which is nowadays preserved in the Museum of Caracal. Here the word ΓΑΔΑΤΗС was incised. D. Tudor considered it a Syrian anthroponym derived from the name of the god Gad, which lead to the formation of numerous Syro-Palmyrean anthroponyms. This opinion was shared by all those who, up to the time being, inserted this graffito in various epigraphic corpora of Dacia, considering it as further evidence of the Syrian presence in Roman Dacia. Yet, the supporters of such a viewpoint did not take into account all the available data which allows us to assert that Gadates is definitely an Iranian anthroponym attested on other sources as following: Xenophon’s Cyropaedia, The Letter of Darius to Gadatas, the Elamite Ka-da-da inscription discovered in the Persepolis fortifications, a Greek inscription from Delos and another Greek inscription from Antiphellos in Lycia pertaining to the Roman period. Xenophon’s Gadatas and the one mentioned in the Letter provide the Iranian character of the anthroponym. Within the Letter, Darius specifically name Gadatas ‘(his) slave’. We encounter this term in the Old Persian variant of the Behistun inscription as comprised in the collocation mana bandaka, meaning ‘my subject’ or ‘my servant’. It exclusively refers to the highest ranked Iranian individuals in the proximity of the Great King. Gadatas anthroponym is probably ahypochoristic derived from Bagadata, a very widespread name in the pre-Islamic Iranian world, having the same meaning with the Greek Theodotos and the Slavic Bogdan, i.e. ‘the Gift of God’. We do not know precisely where Gatates of Romula came from. He could belong to Syria as well, where the Iranian anthroponyms were natural, as the land had been subjected to the Iranian rule for more than two centuries.
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The present article explores the position of the United Kingdom of Great Britain towards its Straits and its rivalry with Russia in this Region. The change in the attitude of the United Kingdom towards Bulgaria is followed, that from a Russian satellite it becomes an ally. The role of England and its support for the union between East Rumelia and the Principality of Bulgaria. There is also place for Stambolov as a subjective factor in the Bulgarian-British relations.
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Author, drawing on scientific researches of domestic and oversea historians, materials of press, exposes essence problems of "norths territories", process of its origin and position of the USA in its decision.
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In 1914, the world community had the first opportunity to get acquainted with the magnificent work of leading scientists and public figures, the famous „Report of the International Commission for investigation the causes and conducting of the Balkan wars", known as the Carnegie poll.
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The paper outlines the events of the last year of the longest lasting Bulgaro-Byzantine war (967 – 1018). At the time, part of the Bulgarian aristocracy defended the independence of the Bulgarian Tsardom until the very end. Many leaders of the Bulgarian people died in battle with the Romaioi. Such was the fate of the Bulgarian Tsar John-Vladislav, the commanders Ivats and Sermon, etc. Others preferred to save themselves and retain their privileges. Among them were the Bulgarian Tsaritsa Maria, the ruler of the Inner region Bogdan, the Patriarch John, and the Governors of Pernik – Krakra, of Strumitsa – Dragomazh, of Skopje – Nikolitsa, etc. Left without its last ruler who had until then personified the independence of the Tsardom, some members of the Bulgarian aristocracy accepted their fate to be driven out of Bulgaria, but to keep their economic privileges. In their place, Romaioi from Asia Minor, Armenia and other provinces of the Empire were appointed administrative and military heads in the conquered Bulgarian lands.
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After the fail of the Safevid state, some local khanates appeared in north Azerbaijan, and the region was never united from then on. The Ottoman and Rus Empires, as well as Iran, first with the Avşar, and then Kajar dynasties, quarreled for dominance over this region. The eventual winner in this game was the Tsardom, which succeeded in invading all of the khanates. Ottoman imperial strategy was to save those princelings.
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During the Ottoman-Russian War in 1877-78 so called as 93 War because of occuring in 1293 according to the Hijri Calendar, the Ottoman Empire armies were unable to succed in the face of Russian and Romanian forces except for some of the achievements in the Caucasian front and the defense of Plevn and the war resulted in the defeat of the Ottoman Empire. At the end of the war, the Ottoman Empire signed the Treaties of San Stefano and Berlin, leading to the loss of land and prestige. To resolve the failure and shortcomings of the army in battle, training of the Ottoman Army like the European model was decided. While getting help from France on the military reforms until the War 93, henceforth Abdulhamid administration turned to Germany in this regard. The military officers were brought from Germany for the proposed reforms and the Ottoman officers was sent for training to European countries, especially to Germany, being advanced in the military context. In this regard, from the year 1880 for rehabilitation of the army, a lot of officers and technical specialists came from Germany. These are the examples: Colonel Koehler, Lieutenant-Colonel Von der Goltz. Starting from this date, the Ottoman Empire followed a close policy to Germany in terms of the foreign policy until the end of World War I. One of the most important reasons behind this was, Germany had a different policy than the other European Powers regarding the sharing policies. Undertakings required to be done to reform the Ottoman Military order also affected the foreign policy of Germany and the European Great Powers, then reforms were brought to the instrument of this policy. This study will analyze why the Ottoman Empire was close to Germany on military reforms after the war and how this situation affects the Empire’s relations with Duvel-i Muazzama.
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International expositions having been started in Europe in the middle of the nineteenth century have shifted to the continent of America from the end of this century. All countries, including Ottoman Empire, have been invited to the expositions held in Chicago for the 400th anniversary of discovery of America by Christopher Columbus. Ottoman Empire defined as the sick man of the Europe has spread on effort to be able to be a member of the developing world by presenting a modern Ottoman look in Chicago Exposition. Turkish participators having shown the Ottoman culture and products in Chicago with their mosque, fountain, and hippodrome have been rewarded with forty five medals by Chicago Exposition Commission. Ottoman administrators have exhibited the technological development of the country with the products manufactured in Tersane-i Amire and Telegraph Surveillance Factory in the Chicago Exposition. The fleet which have been locked in the Golden Horn after ascending of Sultan Abdülhamid have been awarded with five medals. These rewards having contrasted with the existing condition of the navy are the result of the success of Tersane-i Amire in fine processing. Despite its success in the fair, the navy having left to corrode and of which culture have been destroyed was not to be able to fulfil the duties given for defending the homeland in the following period and Ottoman Empire was to pay a heavy price for the negligence. In preparation of the subject, Ottoman Archive documents of the Prime Ministry are benefited from as well as Naval Museum Archive documents.
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120 years ago, from 19 to 28 March 1895, a unifying Congress was held in Sofia, which established the Macedonian Committee (MC) as the governing body of a general organization which was joined by the Macedonian societies in Bulgaria and Romania and student societies in Western Europe and Russia.
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Basra territory is under the rule of the Ottoman Empire for a long time. Because of geo-strategic value of Basra territory, each period it witnesses important events. In the 19th century, Ottoman military and political powers start to decline, developments in the Ottoman Middle East concern to especially Britain, Russia, Germany and Persia. Due to British colonies in India, Basra territory is crucial for British Empire. In the first three quarter of 19th century, Britain protects Ottoman territorial integrity against Russia and Germany for own economic benefit and strategies about India colonies. However, after the Treaty of Berlin in 1878, Britain gives up this policy due to changed situations and balanced elements. Anglo-Ottoman relations are subject to many researches and works. In this study, Anglo-Ottoman relations specific to Basra territory and subject briefly evaluated with different perspective. In the light of the Ottoman archival documents, British activities of two periods, British protective policy period and give up this policy period, will be described. In the 19th century Anglo-Ottoman relations are increased. These relations include economic, commercial, political and diplomatic dimensions. In this study, firstly, Basra territory’s situation in the pre-19th century briefly overviewed then British activities for penetration in Basra territory in the 19th century examined in detail.
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The content of the article is the effort of Armenians to use some of the theatres/movies produced by them against Turks as a tool of propaganda in 1920’s in various cities of Europe (Stockholm, Hague, Geneva, Bern etc.) and the effort of Turkish embassy officers to prevent this. The study was prepared by using the Prime Ministry Ottoman Archives. The role of this propaganda will be better understood in the context of the Armenian issue reached today.
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The author presents the basic contours of 1945, which was marked by the end of the war, the collapse of the Independent State of Croatia, the establishment of Federal State of Croatia as a component of Democratic Federal Yugoslavia and the seizure of authority by the Communist Party of Yugoslav (KPJ). After the end of a liberation and civil war, the KPJ took power into its hands and created the essential prerequisites for the federal reorganization of the Yugoslav state and the revolutionary change of society in compliance with its revolutionary and federalist ideas and through the application of experiences from the USSR. The emphasis is on the most important moves by the KPJ in the first year of its rule and the fate of the main anti-communist forces in Croatia.
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