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The Memory of Katyń, which became a Polish national memory of trauma, developed in opposition to the official Communist discourse in Poland. This was neither a linear nor a unitary process, but it was a process which embedded the Katyń crime in the Polish memorial culture and thus blended it with narratives of fight for independence, national identity and victimhood.
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The military unit, which name of patron symbolizes the relationship with the Bulgarian national liberation movement in Macedonia against Ottoman rule in the late nineteenth - early twentieth century, was established by Ministerial Decree № 30 of 14 September 1944 of the Fatherland Front government of Bulgaria. The brigade was made up of conscripts soldiers recruited in the period 1941-1944 in the Vardar Macedonia and enrolled in the parts of the Bulgarian army.
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Platforma Obywatelska, która niezwykle sprawnie potrafiła zbudować zewnętrzny wizerunek Polski i stworzyła efektywne instrumenty tzw. miękkiej dyplomacji, nie mogła lub nie chciała zaproponować żadnej opowieści o nowej Polsce własnym obywatelom. To, co w stosunkach międzynarodowych wydawało się oczywiste: kreowanie obrazu Polski przez ukazanie historycznych tradycji polskiej myśli o wspólnej Europie, stworzenia pojęcia narodu politycznego otwartego i wielokulturowego, zdolności do długofalowego wysiłku na rzecz zachowania polskości poprzez pracę i tworzenie potencjału ekonomicznego oraz odbudowę państwa po rozbiorach, fenomenu Polskiego Państwa Podziemnego, krytycznego szacunku wobec własnej historii oraz gotowości do dzielenia się i solidarności z innymi – nie zostało skutecznie opowiedziane Polakom. Jakby nie rozumiano, że trudno uważać się za dumnego członka obywatelskiej wspólnoty ze względu na autostrady. Tym bardziej ze względu na ciepłą wodę. Konstruowanie opowieści o Polsce oddano politycznym przeciwnikom. Ci zaś skrzętnie to wykorzystali, proponując Polakom romantyczno-mesjanistyczną wizję etniczno-religijnej wspólnoty odwiecznych ofiar i bohaterskich męczenników. Zawsze „zdradzanych o świcie” i zawsze niezłomnych. Gotowych, by wreszcie wstać z kolan i aktywnie współtworzyć Europę „wolnych narodów i suwerennych państw”.
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The author traces the process of commitment of the young poet Peyo Yavorov to the Macedonian Bulgarians liberation cause. This process is inseparable from his poetic development - the theme of the liberation of Macedonia became a leading one in the beginning of Yavorov's creative path.
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The anonymous description of the life of Emperor Baldwin I, presented in this study, is a particularly interesting text with some of the details it provides about the events of 1204–1206. Although researchers cannot rely entirely on the data contained in it, the excerpt adds some details that clarify the way the Latin Empire was built in its first years. The information it provides about Bulgarian history is not new but confirms facts already known and thus offers a more reliable support to the researchers in the reconstruction of the events from the beginning of the 13th century.
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The most important incident which had plaved a vital role in Ottoman's life was the Viana Siege.in that term, at the ends of seventeenth century. The Ottoman Empire had to fight with European states Included Russia during sixteen years. Russia had attempted to struggle with Ottoman to obtain the Black Sea, the Crimea and the Caucasus in that term of war and afterwards. Of that attack Russia had captured the castle by attacking Azak in 1696. Russia not only had been content with having it (the castle of Azak) but also captured the Bosporus and tried to go down the Black Sea. The fact that the castle of Azak had been left to Russia with die accora of Karlofca and Istanbul had endanger the fact of having the Black Sea of the Ottoman Empire. The Ottoman Stare had have recourse co same measures the send away Russia from Azak castle at the beginning of eighteenth century.
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The authors analyze the tendencies of the Croatian policy towards Bosnia and Herzegovina on concrete examples after the early parliamentary elections in Croatia, held on 11. 9. 2016. The gradual shift of that policy to the right and the obvious re-Tudjman-isation of the Croatian political milieu have negative implications on the internal relations and political stability in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is constantly disrupted by the controversial and dishonest policy of CDU (HDZ) and its leader Dragan Covic. While participating in governing at all levels in Bosnia and Herzegovina, dissatisfied with the so-called Equality of Croats, 23 Puljić Vinko, Oslobođenje, 21. 12. 2016., 2 but only on the territory of the Federation, he also maintains partnership and friendly relations with Milorad Dodik and his ISDP (SNSD), who openly demolishes both Bosnia and Herzegovina and that same government, showing no interest in the position of Croats in SR. At the same time, in the wake of the same renewed Tudjman’s policy, the national specialty of Bosniaks with the aim for them to be nothing but a religious group is being persistently denied in Croatia, while in the areas and cantons in Bosnia and Herzegovina where CDU has the power (Stolac, Livno, Kiseljak and others), they are exposed not only to the political discrimination, but to the apartheid, as well. The authors conclude that in both cases there is a word about a re-Tudjman-isation of Croatian politics both in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina in order to preserve the results of the persecution of the non-Croats during the war, in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In order to preserve the stability in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the region, all pro-Bosnian forces have to give an adequate and unique response to a such policy, no matter of their ideological and other differences.
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Based on a comparison of the contemporary Annals of Fulda, Annals of St. Bertin, Chronicle of Regino and papal letters, the author analyses the position of the Moravian prince Svatopluk I (871–894). Through the comparison of Svatopluk with his contemporaries, princes of Brittany, the analysed texts are further studied in the framework of the Carolingian policy and political thinking.
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European issues were obviously very close to Harold Macmillan’s heart from the beginning of his political path, which goes back to 1924. This paper looks at the activities of Harold Macmillan in the Assembly of the Council of Europe be-tween 1949 and 1951 and discusses his views on European cooperation.
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The twentieth-century historiography devoted to the trade of the Levant has raised a number of questions that require elucidation; among others, that of the establishment, for the first time, of a French consul in Thessalonica. More precisely, according to the historiography, the steps for the founding of a French consulate in this city had begun in 1680, but a consul was finally established there in 1685. The present study, based mainly on unpublished sources, examines all relative efforts until 1688, and shows that a French consul tried to settle down in Thessalonica already since 1644. It is certain, however, that the consul Jacques Gleize (1685 – 1688) was to inaugurate an uninterrupted succession of French consuls and to lay the foundations for the long activity of French commerce in this port.
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Le XXe siècle a été celui des grands tournants et processus progressistes de l’humanité, grâce au développement matériel et spirituel, aux acquis scientifiques, à l’industrialisation, à la modernisation technologique, à l’expansion des services médicaux et sanitaires. Cependant, il a été aussi le siècle des brutalités et des barbaries allant jusqu’à l’entreprise de génocides au niveau mondial (deux guerres mondiales), régional (conflits et guerres entre pays et peuples) et national (dictatures notamment communistes). Au niveau régional, la nation albanaise semble avoir été la victime ayant subi les coups les plus durs sur tout son espace ethnique, et dans ce sens une place particulière revient à la lutte institutionnelle menée par les Serbo-Yougoslaves contre le facteur démographique albanais sur ses propres territoires ethniques en dehors de l’Albanie politique.
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