De l’échec du renseignement: quelques réflexions à propos de l’activité des attachés militaires français à Budapest (1939-1945)
The Franco - Hungarian relations between 1939 and 1945 by the memoirs of two French military attaché in Budapest.
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The Franco - Hungarian relations between 1939 and 1945 by the memoirs of two French military attaché in Budapest.
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The study presents the changes of the image of Hungary from the end of the 19th century to the end of the First World War. The author uses books, diplomatic documents to trace this image. His conclusion: there was enough information about Hungary before Trianon for the Quai d'Orsay.
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History of a Hungarian woman, Tünde Szentes, in Hungary and in France. She comes from a Catholic family in Hungary, but in 1968 she goes to France where she asks for political asylum. In France she discovers Judaism.
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Under human rights treaties, is one state obliged to infringe upon the sovereignty of another in order to defend human rights norms? The concept of the extraterritorial application of human rights treaties reflects the principle of the universality of human rights, which comes from the belief that these rights are the same for all people, irrespective not only of the ethnic, racial, religious and any other possible grounds for discrimination, but also of where they are. On the other hand, the implementation of international human rights obligations is limited by other legitimate interests and rights, which need to be fairly balanced on objective grounds. One such conflict arises when one state exercises effective jurisdiction over a territory that is subject to the territorial sovereignty of another state. This article first examines the meaning of terms relevant to the subject, and then tries to answer questions on the limits of the extraterritorial application of the human rights treaties set by the principle of territorial sovereignty.
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Marcel van der Linden was research director of the International Institute of Social History (Amsterdam) until 2014, and is now Senior Researcher at the Institute as well as Professor of Social Movement History at the University of Amsterdam. He is also President of the International Social History Association and chair of the Editorial Committee of International Review of Social History. He has published widely on various aspects of left-wing intellectual history (e.g. Western Marxism and the Soviet Union: A Survey of Critical Theories and Debates since 1917), social movements and labour history. He is a chief advocate of global labour history, a new paradigm in the writing of labour history, which has been taken over by several labour historians. This paradigm is less well-known in Eastern Europe where labour history became a stepchild after the change of regimes and it is only recently that there has been a growing interest in this field among social historians. In the interview I asked Marcel to introduce this paradigm and tell us something more about the social and political implications of a global labour history.
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The paper offers a critical reading of Eurocentrism and Western hegemony of social thought by highlighting the essential similarities between the African and post-1989 Eastern European experience. It argues that Eastern European local knowledge and difference should be addressed in new ways, which take into account our neo-colonial negation and subjugation. The reorientation of what I call an essentially orientalist discourse in Eastern Europe can come from renewed engagement, after a nearly thirty-year gap, with African political theory, labour activism, and resistance movements. The article offers a discussion in what ways the African experience can be paralleled with the Eastern European peripheral integration into the global capitalist economy and it argues that African social thought, which has been hitherto largely neglected in post-socialist Eastern Europe, can, indeed, have illuminating insights into a history of global marginalisation. Further, I argue, that in that sense, African social thought can be an inspiring source in order to reorient current Eastern European histories, which have been developing self-defeating, self-deprecating and self-orientalising tendencies since at least 1989. Afrikanizacija, a grand metaphor for our region’s descent into a world of neo-colonialism, should also mean that we recognise the liberating and emancipating contents of African social thought especially in the fields of labour and feminism when we look for ways to fight Western hegemony.
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The research and policy impacts of subjective well-being (SWB) have gained more emphasis in the last decade as international agencies became aware of its importance. Governments have realised that besides the improvements of the economy, the overall life satisfaction of citizens are influenced by multiple other factors. An important part of SWB is work related well-being – often referred to simply as work satisfaction. The nature of work has changed a lot in the recent decades due to immense technological development, more people are behind desks than ever and in general the structure and policies of huge companies have evolved as well. Simply put: life has changed substantially, especially for white-collar workers. The way how people perceive work has also changed, hence the structure of work satisfaction is also different. This paper aims to give an overview on results in this domain and to highlight some possible directions in future research. First the paper gives an overview on SWB and the related research methodologies. Then some current international surveys are briefly described that may be used for SWB related research and finally recent results on work related well-being are shown and some research questions are presented.
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Our paper explores how populist radical right-wing forces re-interpret religion, and re-frame Christianity in a non-universalistic, nationalist way to legitimize their rule in Hungary. Populism is considered as an anti-elitist, anti-institutional political behavior that identifies with ‘the people’, and enhances their ‘direct’ participation in the political process as opposed to representative government. Populism has an ideological character but in itself does not have a particular ideological content. As a form of government it is based on popular participation with limited public contest for power. Although neither Fidesz nor Jobbik appeared before the electorate as a deeply religious political party, both of them have portrayed themselves as socially conservative, ‘Christian’ nationalists. This implied a form of institutionalized cooperation between them and the large historical Christian churches. The Orbán regime demonstrates that radical right-wing populism employs a quasi-religious ideological construction through which it attempts to mobilize a wider social spectrum: ethno-nationalism. This surrogate religion offers a nationalist and paganized understanding of Christianity and elevates the concept of ethnically defined nation to a sacred status.
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Despite the substantive findings of existing research, the electoral mandate is still an elusive category in representation theory and empirical political science. The article offers a conceptual framework that promises to properly evaluate mandate fulfillment in general, and pledge fulfillment in particular from the standpoint of the normative theory of representation. In this framework the non-fulfillment of pledges is not necessarily bad for representation since mandate slippage, or the gradual process of abandoning the mandate in the post-election phase, may come in both bad and good forms. The proposed framework also develops an empirical research agenda for measuring the causes of bad mandates and mandate slippage by relying and expanding on the toolkit of empirical pledge research. Outcome oriented pledges serve as a prime example of bad mandates, whereas agency shirking is a major cause of bad mandate slippage.
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The past decades have been characterised by a puzzling dilemma of the politics of the ‘Roma issue’ in European societies and also on the international level. On the one hand, due to the intense work of a range of influential international organisations of Roma representation and the enduring efforts of a group of dedicated politicians acting on the European level, the case of Roma has become thematised in political terms and as such, it has been drawn into the arena of governmental and inter-governmental politics and policy-making. As a peak of such efforts, the formulation of a national strategy on Roma inclusion has been made a task for all member states of the European Union and this way it has been successfully elevated to the existing mechanisms of monitoring and reviewing as parts of the Europe-wide applied open method of coordination in outlining developmental plans and policies. On the other hand, domestic statistics and research signal the lack of any improvement in the situation of Roma: occurrences of discrimination and segregation have not diminished, poverty and the extreme inequalities hitting Roma in education, work and the daily conditions of living have not been decreased, and the tendencies of exclusion have become stronger in a wide range of local communities all across. In an indirect way, these latter developments indicate the weakness and marginal state of Roma politics in attaining any breakthrough in the structures of power. A closer look at the conditions in a broader scope of political participation reveals how informality in articulating needs and claims weakens the potency of the minority in influencing decision-making about their cause, while the very same relations properly fit into their experiences of daily living. An overview of the conditions and prevailing relations in education and work in marginalised Roma communities will serve to demonstrate the congruence of informalisation between the daily realities and their political representation.
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Based on findings from a comparative qualitative contextual inquiry carried out between 2012 and 2014, the article analyses the formation of two Roma settlements in the larger context of a small sized town in Romania. The article aims at understanding the constitution of these areas as reflected through people’s narratives, while also accounting for the influence of economic and political developments on where and how they were and are placed on the social and geographic map of the city. Altogether, the article illustrates the similarities and differences between how the two settlements were founded under different political regimes and how are they nowadays subjected to ghettoization and reduction to bare life, understood as processes characteristic for contemporary global capitalism. At the same time, the analysis highlights the limits of the approaches informed by these conceptual frames and ends up by pinpointing the need to complete them with a perspective that links the politics of spatial marginalization to the understanding of how the latter is part of a political economy that exploits the spatially marginalized.
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This article is about techniques of exclusion by local governmentsagainst Romani people. Tackling the case of people of Romaniethnicity in Barcelona and Bucharest, I explore evictions andvoluntary return as practices of segregation within and exclusion fromthe city. I reflect on the condition of being or becoming Roma in theprocess of spatial cleansing by interrogating the construction of Romaas an ethnicized mobile minority, a category that is submitted to socialand territorial exclusion. Under the pretext of defending the socialsecurity and the urban development of cities, the local authoritiesproduce moral panic around the presence of Roma. Portraying themfirst as vulnerable, then as having a mobile life-style, the authoritiesjustify a range of interventions that eventually push out the Romahabitants and subsequently deny them the right to the city.
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