Context Analysis of the Security Sector Reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1990-2009

Author(s): Denis Hadžović,Emsad Dizdarević,Damir Kapidžić / Language(s): English

The first section of this context analysis aims at providing an overview of significant historical, political, social, and institutional events that influenced and shaped the security sector in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This information set out to serve the interested audiences as a source of information on events that influenced security sector reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This context analysis does not deal with the analysis of historical events, nor does it set out to initiate discussion over society and history of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but has as its purpose to provide an insight into the significant occurrences in the recent past, and provide a better understanding of the surroundings in which security sector reform in BIH took place. Primarily, the paper shall try to determine periods or stages that have had a significant impact on SSR in BiH. At the outset, three more or less simultaneous events are examined: the downfall of communism in Eastern Europe 1989), the constitutional crisis and dissolution of the Communist Alliance and Federal Government of the SFR Yugoslavia (1989-1991), and the first multiparty elections in the constituent republics of the SFR Yugoslavia (1990). The first free multi-party elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina were held in November 1990, and can be examined as the starting stage of SSR efforts in the country. Events in the aftermath, which resulted in the emergence and framing of the security sector in Bosnia and Herzegovina, will also be analysed. Some of the prior events shall also be mentioned, with the aim of providing a better understanding of events which took place between November 1990 and December 2009, but they shall not be subjected to a detailed analysis or evaluation.

Podrivanje institucija sektora sigurnosti – crveno svijetlo za uzbunu

Author(s): Denis Hadžović / Language(s): Bosnian

Pokrenuti proceduru ukidanja vize za građane Kosova

Author(s): Denis Hadžović / Language(s): Bosnian

Inicijativa za izmjenu zakona o državnoj službi u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine: realno uporište ili povećana politička kontrola?

Author(s): Denis Hadžović / Language(s): Bosnian

Kapaciteti i mogučnosti lobiranja BiH u podršci priključivanja EU

Author(s): Emir Bijelić / Language(s): Bosnian

Neki opći pokazatelji o maloljetničkom prijestupništvu u Kantonu Sarajevo: alarm za konkretnu ruštvenu akciju?

Author(s): Armin Kržalić / Language(s): Bosnian

Pregled reforme sigurnosnog sektora u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Armin Kržalić / Language(s): Bosnian

Is there a Need for Better Security Measures in Institutions of Higher Learning- Experiences from the University of Tuzla

Author(s): Emin Eminagić / Language(s): English

Corruption as defined by Transparency International considers the “misuse of public duty for the achievement of personal gain”, the United Nations considers corruption (definition from the UN IX Congress in Cairo in 1995) as „...any offer, promise or giving of any advantage to another person as undue consideration for performing or refraining from the performance of that person’s duty, or the soliciting or accepting of any advantage as undue consideration for performing or refraining from the performance of one’s duty.“ It is either bribery or any other act related to persons entrusted with responsibilities, aiming to influence their performance in their official duties and obtaining any improper advantage for themselves or others. This occurrence, however, in Bosnia and Herzegovina in its post-war period is ever-present in most aspects of public life ranging from high political institutions to the lowest level of institutions. One very pertinent example would be corruption in institutions of higher learning. This paper will look at some of the cases of corruption and discrimination at the University of Tuzla, followed by an analysis of the University's statute, in order to gain insight on how this issue is being regulated, and to see whether there are any mechanisms to prevent corruption, as well as to ensure the security of staff and students.

Between Humanitarian Aid and Colonialism - The Case Study of French (Non) Intervention in Iraq and Mali.

Author(s): Emin Eminagić,Viktoria Potapkina / Language(s): English

This paper is designed as a comparative case study of France’s (non) involvement in two regions – Iraq in 2003 and Mali in 2013. The time frame of ten years allows for a retrospective analysis of the possible decisions influencing French politicians to make the decision to not intervene in Iraq. The case of Mali is a rather new event and thus requires immediate attention to understand the underlying reasons for military action. Such a case study presents an intriguing opportunity for comparison. In regard to the case of the intervention in Iraq, France had immediate economic interests in the country, however, it, to this day, remains the most vocal opponent of the intervention, regardless of the fact that a large number of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) members participated in one way or another in the Operation Iraqi Freedom. In the case of Mali, France does not have any apparent economic interests in the region; however, it is the only NATO state carrying out the military operation in the country unilaterally as of writing of this paper. However, it is not our intention to provide definitive answers on certain points of involvement and non-intervention, nor mark processes, but rather to provide a grassroot analysis on the case study of Mali that would potentially best explain particular aspects of theoretical implications. With the aim of presenting and analyzing two different choices of French foreign policy, this paper will make use of the tools of comparative analysis in order to construct an interpretivist case study. Academic books and articles, direct speeches of involved politicians, various economic statistical data, opinion polls, as well as United Nations (UN) Reports will be used in the analysis. It will look at theoretical ramifications as well as empirical data from relevant research institutions, using data gathered from United Nations Security Council (UNSC) reports regarding peace building in post-conflict zones as an initial starting point.

Draft Report on the Parliamentary Oversight of the Security Sector in BiH for 2012.

Author(s): Denis Hadžović,Mirela Hodović / Language(s): English

Parliamentary oversight of the security sector in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in spite of its evident headway in employing oversight functions, has not yet achieved its full capacity. For the purpose of this project, the Centre for Security Studies has prepared a Report draft aimed at providing an assessment work efficiency of the parliamentary committees. This report seeks to address the issue of fulfilling the key-responsibilities in the democratic oversight of the security sector in the year 2012. The objective of this research is to determine the improvement of the overall quality and efficiency in implementing parliamentary oversight of the security sector in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This segment of civil society involvement is important for achieving greater accountability and transparency of defense and security institutions over which Parliamentary Committees maintain oversight, consistent with positive legislation. This research has thrown up many questions in need of further investigation. Further work needs to be done to establish a more comprehensive discussion amongst the members of Parliamentary Committees and representatives of defense and security institutions, in particular on the need of structural planning and implementing a more efficient parliamentary oversight of the security sector in the upcoming period.

Economic Bilateral Relations between Turkey and Bosnia Herzegovina

Author(s): Ozum Iseri / Language(s): English

There have been considerable changes in Turkey’s foreign policy since 2002. Indeed, current Turkish Foreign Minister and former foreign policy advisor of Prime Minister Recep T. Erdogan, Mr. Ahmet Davutoglu’s Strategic Depth doctrine which considers Turkey’s strategic foreign policy on the basis of geographical and historical depth (referring Ottoman Empire) gives a framework for the Turkish foreign policy. Indeed, Davutoglu names 5 principles regarding Turkish foreign policy. They are; the balance between security and democracy; zero problems towards neighbors; proactive and pre-emptive peace diplomacy; a multi-dimensional foreign policy, and lastly rhythmic diplomacy2 . In fact, the doctrine and these principles demonstrate the logic behind the Turkish endeavors in the Southeast Europe (SEE) and Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH).

Koliko nas košta Javna Sigurnost? – Analiza budžetskih stavki za ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova i policijske agencije u BiH za 2011. i 2015. godinu –

Author(s): Denis Hadžović,Benjamin Plevljak / Language(s): Bosnian

Russian soft power in the Balkans: Bosnia and Serbia, two states in comparison

Author(s): Giulia Stefano / Language(s): English

Currently (2018), the two main supporters of the region, the USA and the EU seem both too taken by their internal problems. Europe is indeed losing its attractiveness because of its own crisis and above all after Juncker’s statement about no chances of enlargement in the next 5 years1, postponing the process to 2025. On the other side, there are Turkey and Russia. Turkey, with its neo-Ottoman foreign policy, is playing a great role in the area, offering a new authoritarian model. Russia, also exploiting this vacuum left by the West, is trying to affirm its influence, mainly using the Orthodox Church ties and weapons trade. The most affected countries are Serbia and Bosnia Herzegovina: in different ways, approaches and perspectives, but they are the ones Russia is looking to in strengthening its position in the region, above all after Montenegro’s NATO accession. Hence, the research is going to focus on the comparison between Russian interference in Serbia, always considered a great ally with shared roots and traditions, and BiH where Russian presence is peculiar, through a direct impact on the Serb and Croat political leaders.

Perspectives of EU membership for BiH

Author(s): Giulia Stefano / Language(s): English

Although the positive attitudes of EU towards Western Balkans enlargement, so many steps have still to be taken in the region for achieving EU membership. Only Montenegro and Serbia, the former more than the latter, look ready for a forthcoming accession. Montenegro’s accession negotiations started in 2012 and at the moment it is the richest Western Balkans’ country1, it joined NATO last year, and the main problem to be overcome is corruption. Concerning Serbia, the biggest country of the region, for its controversies a possible accession would foster stabilisation in Western Balkans, nevertheless the relations with Pristina should be regularised before confirming any kind of membership. To the light of the EU proposals and intentions, it is necessary to understand which are the gaps to fill in BiH, for it to become a candidate country, and which are the political, social and economic aspects the country has to improve for achieving EU accession.

The Regimental System and the Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Elliot Short / Language(s): English

The regimental system is a method of military organisation developed by the British Army over the last 300 years, variations of which can be identified in the present-day armed forces of numerous Commonwealth states including Australia, Canada, India, Pakistan, and the United Kingdom (UK). Despite its widespread application and well documented history, however, any definition of the Regimental System must remain fluid. Socio-economic developments, coupled with advances in technology and military organisation, means that the parameters of what a regiment is – in terms of structure, composition, identity, and purpose – are constantly changing. David French, in his detailed study of military identities in the British Army, postulates that ‘the language of the “regiment” is so shot through with anomalies that to talk of a “regimental system” is itself almost a misnomer, for there was much about it that was anything but systematic.’1Perhaps the only consistent observation of the Regimental System focuses on its abstract, emotional appeal. When joining a regiment, a soldier enters a community which offers them an inspirational heritage, a legacy to defend, and the support of a “family” in a manner considerably more personal than the faceless bureaucracy of an army organised along the lines of the continental system. Such a dynamic, it is argued, fosters esprit de corps and boosts the morale of troops, ultimately leading to increased combat effectiveness and cohesion. Over 130 years after Edward Cardwell reformed the British Army and established the Regimental System, the model was applied to the newly integrated Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Bosna i Herzegovina, BiH; AFBIH), a military with no significant historical links to the British Army or the wider Anglosphere. This paper will offer an overview of the origins and development of the regimental system in a number of countries, explain how such a system came to be applied in BiH, and compare the application of the system in the AFBiH with other militaries which utilise it. The strengths and weaknesses of the regimental system in the AFBiH will then be considered, and the report will conclude with an analysis of how the regimental system could be reformed in order to strengthen the AFBiH.

Европейский Союз в зеркале общественного мнения: как улучшить имидж европейской политики в Беларуси?

Author(s): Andrey Egorov / Language(s): Belarusian

Not only authorities, political opposition and civil society in Belarus, but also ordinary citizens of the country react to the political actions and initiatives of the EU in relation to Belarus. How are the decisions of the EU on the introduction of restrictive measures or the calls of European politicians to ban the World Hockey Championship in 2014 perceived and evaluated by the population of Belarus? Do the citizens of Belarus consider the repression of the political opposition fair? How did the geopolitical preferences of Belarusians change? These questions are answered by the data of the last mass sociological survey of NISEPI (national survey on March 2-12, 2012, 1509 people were interviewed, the representativeness error does not exceed 0.03)

Запрет на профессию в Беларуси: разнообразие форм, задач и способов

Author(s): Tatyana Vodolazskaya,Andrey Shutov / Language(s): Belarusian

This document presents the results of the analysis of the manifestations of the ban on the profession in modern Belarus. Manifestations of the ban on the profession include cases of creating any kind of obstacles in the implementation of professional activities, which are not related to violations of labor legislation or insufficient qualifications, but act as persecution for ideological and political motives or opposition to the social activity of employees. The analysis was carried out on the basis of monitoring facts of persecution in professional activities, presented in open sources: in media materials; in the monitoring of human rights violations of the Viasna Human Rights Center (from 1998 to the end of 2011); in the monitoring of violations of journalistic activity by the Public Organization "Belarusian Association of Journalists".

Исследование потенциала солидарности в беларусском организованном гражданском обществе

Author(s): Tatyana Vodolazskaya,Oksana Shelest,Andrey Egorov / Language(s): Belarusian

Over the past few years, in the social and political life of Belarusian society, we have observed a decrease in the ability of citizens to take effective joint political and social actions, to publicly and actively express their own position and defend common interests. Despite the growing number of petitions, public statements, signature collections, we observe not only the lack of impact of these instruments on life in the country, but also their weak mobilization potential. Most often, they remain a way of expressing a personal position, but they do not lead either to the development of further joint actions or to a change in the situation. The general trends of social and political life indicate not only a decrease in political activity (political passivity, etc.), but also a change in the structure of social ties and relations, on which solidarity activity can be built. Thus, after 2006, when the mass support for traditional forms of civil and social activity (meetings, protest actions) decreased, "new" forms increasingly attracted attention, examples of which are silent protest actions, campaigns to collect aid for detainees and political prisoners. , all kinds of flash mobs, etc. These bursts of "one-off" actions demonstrate the potential for this kind of behavior, but attempts to repeat the successful practice, to spread it, every time turn into failure. Explanatory versions and concepts that appeal to the "new media" or "new majority" do not withstand either practical or empirical criticism. At the same time, the practice of public associations and civil initiatives, which are aimed at changes in Belarusian society, requires answers to the question: what can you count on and what can you rely on when it comes to mutual support and solidarity?

Качество жизни в домах-интернатах: между желаемым и реальным

Author(s): Andrey Egorov,Oksana Shelest,Violetta Yermakova,Tatyana Anushkevich / Language(s): Belarusian

In Belarus, there is a network of stationary social service institutions (boarding houses) inherited from Soviet times, where more than 18 thousand people live. It includes (as of January 1, 2013) 78 community-owned and 1 state-owned inpatient social service institutions for the elderly and disabled (45 are psychoneurological, 24 are for the elderly and disabled, and 10 are for disabled children with psychophysical development). Legislative framework, law enforcement practice, accepted standards of living, established traditions of entry, residence and exit from these institutions often significantly limit the fullness and possibilities of realization of human rights for people living in boarding schools. It is not so much about separate violations of rights that arise in the event of illegal actions by individual representatives of the administration, medical and service personnel of these institutions in relation to residents, or residents in relation to each other. Rather, the entire complex of social relations and the living environment itself is organized in such a way that it leads to systematic discrimination and restrictions on the rights of residents of boarding houses. The closure of these institutions and low public attention to this problem only aggravates the situation, and the problem of discrimination and living conditions in boarding schools is not only not solved, but is not even put on the agenda of reforming the social service system.

Мониторинг реализации Республикой Беларусь Конвенции ЮНЕСКО об охране и поощрении разнообразия форм культурного самовыражения

Author(s): Tatyana Vodolazskaya,Andrey Egorov,Alena Zuykova,Irina Lashuk,Olga Lashkevich,Dmitry Galinovsky,Igor Rassolko / Language(s): Belarusian

The UNESCO Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions (2005*) is a consistent development of the ideas and approaches laid down in the European Cultural Convention (1954**), in which culture is considered not simply as a sphere of public life , but as an important instrument of mutual understanding of peoples and the development of peace processes on the European continent. In 2001, the UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity was adopted, which continues the rethinking of the role and function of culture in society and places a significant emphasis on the connection of culture with human rights, ensuring human dignity and development, as well as promoting the values and practice of pluralism. This declaration establishes that culture is a factor in the development of society (economic, social and humanitarian), and also affirms the principle of partnership in the field of cultural policy between the state, business and civil society. By 2005, the development of these ideas led to the emergence of the UNESCO Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Forms of Cultural Self-Expression, where the aforementioned tendencies of rethinking are enshrined as the basis of the cultural policy of modern states.