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The document we publish is an analysis drafted by U.M. 0544 (Foreign Intelligence of the Securitate). It reflects the objectives of Ronald Reagan administration towards the Soviet Union and its allies. Drafted in September 1981, the analysis indicates the C.I.A. as the primary intelligence service to influence the development of dissent in Romania. According to the document, C.I.A. objectives were to be implemented through the broadcastings of Radio Free Europe and undercover agents.
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Cadres has been one of the main Sections of the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party. In order to highlight the importance of this Section in the political structures, the study aims to analyze its organizational development in the Romanian communist regime. I also analyzed its main duties, in order to reveal the contribution of this political structure in imposing the control and order over the society.
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The article presents the minutes of Romanian-Soviet Talks in Moscow, in May 1970. The meeting was organized at Romanian initiative and aimed at discussing sensitive issues in economic bilateral cooperation, and divergences between the two parts in foreign relations and with the international communist movement. The Soviet part used the opportunity to rise past Romanian political stands such as the establishing of diplomatic relations with the Federal Republic of Germany, in 1967, Romanian apart stand in the Middle East crisis in 1967, the Czechoslovakian crisis in August 1968, the Sino-Soviet conflict, the visit of president Richard Nixon in Bucharest, in August 1989, and the Romanian opening to the West. The two parts came to an agreement and they decided on the signing of a new Treaty of friendship, collaboration and mutual assistance in July 1970.
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In all ex-communist states the issue of citizens collaborating with secret services proved to be very sensitive, as it discusses the moral identity of individuals and, step by step, that of larger communities. The resolution of the collaborators’ issue followed in countries such as the Czech Republic, Poland, Romania the German model of „Gauck Office” (BStU). In Romania, it witnessed significant transformations following decisions of the Constitutional Court, which altered the role of CNSAS (2008, 2012). The study is focused in two main topics. The first refers to the institutional analysis of CNSAS, aiming at several sub-topics: i) institutional transformations from the 1999-2013 period, from the perspective of democratization through transitional justice; ii) defining types of “collaboration” with the Securitate, according to actors categories, following legislative changes; iii) the impact of the Constitutional Court decisions upon CNSAS accomplishment of evidences concerning the statute of Securitate “collaborator”. The second topic refers to the effects of collaborating with the Securitate in the public opinion. To this end, some cases will be analyzed, in order to emphasize the plural and contradictory character of public perception concerning collaboration with the Securitate.
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After the Secret Report, read by the Soviet leader Nikita Khruschev at the 20th Communist Congress in 1956, an illusion of liberalism appear in the Soviet Union. Among others, cultural ties between Romanian People’s Republic and the Soviet Moldova started. After few years, these actions were seen as nationalistic propaganda. However, it was a new start for the old Bessarabian question to be raised in the billateral discussions between Romania and the USSR.
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In the period between 21 and 31 of December 1989 in the martyr city of Sibiu there were registered more than 102 victims, among which 25 were officers and noncommissioned officers of the Militia, two employees of the Securitate, 4 military representatives from the Ministry of National Defense (three of them have shot one another) and almost 300 wounded persons, a lot of material and cultural loses which could not be evaluated and an undetermined number of people traumatized for the rest of their lives. Numerous buildings in the city have been destroyed, some of them being attacked with heavy military equipment under the accusation that they were hiding terrorists. It is not hard to imagine how a city were the army has used shootings looked like. In ten days not less than two million sleeves and missiles of all kinds have been used in this context. The events that took place in December 1989 in Sibiu demonstrate in the most convincing way that the repression against the population, the diversions, the massacres and acts of terrorism were not done by the Securitate officers.
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The condemning by the Romanian authorities of the military intervention in Czechoslovakia, on 21 august 1968, led to an escalation of tension in Romanian-Soviet relations. For the first time after the Communist regime was set up in Romania, Bucharest leaders considered a military confrontation with Eastern big brother. The document we publish is a monitoring of Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs regarding Romanian-Soviet Relations between 21 August-13 September 1968, a climax of tension between the two countries.
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The present study addresses two interrelated issues concerning political violence, namely, state repression or state against the citizens, and insurgent violence or citizens against the state, for the case of communist Romania. In general, insurgent violence represented an answer to state repression. Over the entire communist period, that is, March 1945–December 1989, the patterns of state repression and insurgent violence resulted from attitudinal and behavioral patterns that characterized the functioning of a triangular relational nexus, namely, regime–society–Soviet Union. These attitudinal and behavioral patterns emerged as a result of the successive transformations of the Stalinist model imposed on the Romanian society from “abroad and above” in the aftermath of World War II.
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The historiography of the Soviet type communist regimes granted special attention to the repressive dimension of these regimes, which was often associated to the totalitarian terror, whose purpose was the destruction of the old society and all forms of opposition adjacent to it, with the aim to establish a new order. But the dynamics of Stalinist terror did not only targeted the opponents or the class enemies. Just as frequently, the attention of those who were monitoring the perils that could affect the party, focused also onto their own cadres. Communist parties developed organizational structures the purpose of which was the internal surveillance of everything it could turn into a deviation from the rules imposed by Party line, thus becoming a threat. These institutions evolved as tools of control of the sociopolitical body of the Party, often endowed with discretionary powers, as to decide the exclusion from the Party ranks (purges), and even violent later repercussions (repression). The present paper canvasses an important chapter of the Romanian Workers Party’s purge history, by bringing into discussion an yet unknown document – a memorandum of a what seems to be an underground party structure, which entitles itself as the “Central Committee of the Communist Independent Party”.
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Within Romanian-American political agenda, the topic of Jewish emigration was granted special attention. The matter was discussed with Jewish organizations in the USA, especially in 1970’s and it was motivated by the Romanian interest in obtaining Most Favoured Nation clause. The document we published is the minutes of 11 June 1975 meeting in Washington between Nicolae Ceauşescu and representatives of American Jewish Organizations, given their known influence both within Administration and Congress.
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The article is devoted to the beginning of dissident movement in the USSR in the second part of 1950s. The author tells about response of soviet youth to the XX conference of CPSS and destalinization. The author concentrates attention on clandestine dissident groups, which appeared after the moment when society realized that soviet leaders didn’t going to reform the state. Analyzing dissidents’ programs and worldview, the author makes conclusion, that the biggest part of dissidents in 1950s – 1960s were influenced by soviet propaganda and ideas of communism. The article is based on documents of the Party and Komsomol from St.Petersburg state archives, interviews with former dissidents, memories.
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