CSD Policy Brief No. 02: Anti-Corruption Reforms in the Judiciary
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English
Keywords: Corruption;
In the first week of October 2003, the Center for the Study of Democracy published the Judicial Anti-Corruption Program (JACP), a policy paper developed with the support of the United Nations Development Programme. The JACP is the first document of its kind detailing a comprehensive agenda for reducing corruption within the judiciary and enhancing its efficiency in penalizing administrative and political corruption. The Program deals with the most significant constitutional, legislative and institutional aspects of anti-corruption measures in the judiciary and combines gap analysis with extensive policy recommendations. // The development of the JACP involved more than 30 eminent Bulgarian legal professionals, including magistrates, and resulted from the combined efforts of influential non-governmental organizations, representatives of state institutions, and experts. This approach reflects CSD’s long standing capacity to bring together various reform constituencies and allows the Program to draw on most of the suggestions provided by government agencies, NGOs, professional associations and media. The analysis and the proposals made are supported by the survey Corruption and Anti-Corruption: the Magistrates' Viewpoint carried out by Coalition 2000 and Vitosha Research. The survey, carried out among 454 magistrates from the whole country in the period April-May, 2003, using the methodology of the Coalition 2000 Corruption Monitoring System, was the first ever survey on corruption issues conducted among magistrates.
CSD Policy Brief No. 03: The Long Way of the Emerging Ombudsman Institution in Bulgaria
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English
Keywords: Ombudsman;
Bulgaria continues to be among the few European countries without a national ombudsman institution, although the legislative framework is already in place. The election of the first Bulgarian parliamentary ombudsman, which took place at the National Assembly on May 14, 2004, failed as none of the nominated candidates succeeded in obtaining the required majority of more than half of the votes of the MPs participating in the voting. The main reason for the failure was the inability of political parties represented in Parliament to reach a consensus in the process of nominating candidates, which led to only partisan nominations being put forward.
CSD Policy Brief No. 04: The Outstanding Agenda for Political Party Reform in Bulgaria
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English
A well controlled and transparent political parties system is crucial for the strengthening of democracy and the rule of law in any country. For Bulgaria, in particular, this is a field that has often been subject to reforms, which, however, have been inconsistent and far from effective. The present legal framework of political parties (the Law on Political Parties of 2001) reveals a number of gaps. At present, there is a new Draft Law on Political Parties, recently submitted to the Parliament for second reading, which offers solutions to the above as well as other shortcomings. However, the support of the civil society and the international community is needed to speed up the passing of the law and to streamline the reforms prior to the upcoming 2005 parliamentary elections.
CSD Policy Brief No. 05: The Long Way of the Emerging Ombudsman Institution in Bulgaria: Six Months Later
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English
The present brief is aimed to examine the recent developments in establishing national and local ombudsmen in Bulgaria and is a follow up of Policy Brief No. 3 of May this year. The introduction of the ombudsman institution in Bulgaria on national and local level has progressed at different pace. On the one hand, the establishment of local public mediators (municipal ombudsmen) continued to gain speed and since May three more mediators have been elected. Thus, as of October 2004, public mediators are operating in seven municipalities, while in several others the election procedures are under way. Coalition 2000 through its Civil Society against Corruption Program continued to actively support and encourage the process. On the other hand, the establishment of the national parliamentary ombudsman is still pending at the National Assembly, which once again failed to elect an ombudsman. The second attempt did not succeed despite civil society pressure and its calls for a timely election of the national ombudsman through an open, transparent and nonpartisan procedure.
CSD Policy Brief No. 06: First steps of the Bulgarian Ombudsman
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English
Although with a considerable delay, the election of the first Bulgarian ombudsman in April 2005 completed an important part of the process of introducing the ombudsman institution in the country. A civil society driven effort from the very beginning, the establishment of the ombudsman is a result of the effective public-private partnership between governmental institutions and non-governmental organizations. The continuation of this partnership is now among the key preconditions for the successful development and operation of the newly established institution.
CSD Policy Brief No. 07: Development of the Second National Anti-Corruption Strategy for Bulgaria
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English
Keywords: corruption;
On January 12, 2006, the Council of Ministers adopted a National Strategy for Good Governance, Prevention and Counteraction of Corruption 2006-2008. The document was part of the commitments made by Bulgaria in the field of anti-corruption in the context of its EU accession. The strategy was expected to be adopted and presented to the European Commission by the end of 2005. In the beginning of 2006 an inter-ministerial task force submitted a draft version of the strategy to the government but it revealed so many flaws that the government postponed its adoption. As a result, the task force invited the Center for the Study of Democracy to redraft the strategy.
CSD Policy Brief No. 09: The Introduction of a Specialized Anti-Corruption Service back on the Anti-Corruption Agenda
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English
Keywords: Corruption;
On the eve of Bulgaria’s EU accession significant results in prosecution and punishment of high level political corruption are still outstanding. In this context, the idea for creating an independent specialized anti-corruption service again became a topic in the anti-corruption agenda.
CSD Policy Brief No. 10: A Painful Shift in Bulgarian Anti-Corruption Policies and Practice
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English
Keywords: CSD; CSD Policy Briefs; Center for the Study of Democracy; corruption;
In its March 2006 annual corruption assessment report On the Eve of EU Accession: Anti-Corruption Reforms in Bulgaria the Center for the Study of Democracy emphasized that “corruption, particularly in the high echelons of power, is one of the most critical problems faced by Bulgaria on the eve of its accession” as the Bulgarian “public tolerates less corruption and is increasingly concerned by it.” Bulgaria needs to present clear evidence of results in its fight against corruption, in particular on high political level.
CSD Policy Brief No. 11: The Future of Corruption Benchmarking in the EU
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English
Keywords: corruption;
Reducing corruption has been among the priorities of most international institutions over a number of years now. In particular, corruption was a major preoccupation during the 2004 and 2007 enlargements of the European Union and continues to dominate the agenda of the initial period of Bulgaria and Romania’s membership.
Not being in the core of EU’s acquis, anti-corruption was a relatively new matter to tackle and, in contrast to other areas of EU competence, it had little specific guidelines to offer applicant countries. Still, the significance of transparent and accountable government for the functioning of the EU internal market and the delivery of its core policies required that anticorruption be made one of the key requirements for membership. // In this process, the European Commission advanced its capacity to evaluate anti-corruption progress. Following an initial focus on adherence to international standards and acceding to major conventions, attention later shifted to meeting specific good governance targets. Member states have also contributed to understanding corruption and recommending action through the mechanism of peer reviews.
CSD Policy Brief No. 12: Competitiveness of the Bulgarian Economy 2007
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English
With the partnership of CSD this year Bulgaria was included for the second time in the world’s oldest and most comprehensive annual report on competitiveness, the IMD World Competitiveness Yearbook 2007 – published without interruption since 1989 by IMD (International Institute for Management Development). Bulgaria’s competitiveness was covered and ranked together with 54 other leading world economies. The annual rankings are a respected source of information for large international investors, but they also provide highlights to the public and policy-makers on the strengths and the weaknesses of the Bulgarian economy by focusing on four main factors: economic performance; government efficiency; business efficiency; and infrastructure—in science and technology, human capital, health, and education.
The state of Albanian Democracy at the eve of 2013 General elections
Author(s): Alba Çela,Joana Kosho / Language(s): English
Keywords: 2013 Elections in Albania; The Central Elections Commission (CEC)
The upcoming round of Albanian general elections, expected on June 23rd of 2013, will be the ultimate test for Albanian democracy, in a context of high polarization and volatile stability. The elections come after a series of previous electoral processes highly contested and which have produced political crisis, boycott and grave incidents. Should Albania fail once again to carry out democratic elections’ process with standards verified by international observers and outcomes accepted by domestic political actors, the consequences shall be all too weighty for a country that is a member of NATO and aspires to get to EU candidate status. // First and foremost the elections will be crucial for the political stability which is a precondition for the development of Albania. // This study, which goes beyond an academic curiosity has two important objectives. First it strives to show the degree of correspondence between political and media rhetoric and the real citizen agenda mapped in this survey as a constellation of concerns, expectations, beliefs and desires. Second it attempts to make political parties and political actors aware of the degree of this correspondence or rather as this study will show discrepancy. AIIS believes that instigating public discourse over the real citizen agenda will have a positive effect on a better linkage between citizen interests and political platforms contributing to democracy and to future better governance.
Albanian Greek relations from the eyes of the Albanian public – perceptions 2013
Author(s): Alba Çela,Sashenka Lleshaj / Language(s): English
Keywords: Albania-Greece Relations; Migration; EU Integration; The Cham Issue
It is necessary to make an effort to capture the perceptions and their implications on policy and discourse by objective research. This study will first try to summarize for a non expert audience the list of main issues that condition that relationship between these two neighboring countries focusing on contemporary debates. A note for the objectives of the report is included before presenting the main conclusions from the national poll carried out in Albania in 2013. // A parallel study has been conducted by the Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP). Comparisons between perceptions were the subject of the two conferences organized in the context of this project and discussed in Tirana and Athens respectively in November and December of 2013. // A comparative analysis will be the subject of a forthcoming joint report of AIIS and ELIAMEP. (Published by: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Office Tirana)
Albania-Serbia relations in the Eyes of the Albanian Public 2015
Author(s): Alba Çela / Language(s): English
Keywords: Albania- Serbia Relations; Balkan; Political Relations; Survey; Bilateral Relations
Albania and Serbia share a difficult historic baggage. The dissolution of Yugoslavia and conflict in Kosovo and the subsequent independence of Kosova have been a powerful rollercoaster for the two countries which claim to be home-seat to the largest ethnic groups in the Balkans. However even between Serbia and Kosova some signs of normalization due to the EU sponsored dialogue are starting to materialize beyond symbolical handshakes and right into important bilateral deals. // The results of the survey which you can access in this publication portray a lot of positive potential for improvement of the bilateral relations more likely starting with the ‘easy parts’: cultural cooperation and getting to know more about each other. Most important citizens seem fully aware of the importance that these relations have for the future of the entire region as well as for the European integration project that the region also shares.
Citizens’ Voice in the Albanian Local Elections 2015
Author(s): Sashenka Lleshaj / Language(s): English
Keywords: Local Elections; Administrative Reform; Local Government
Pre-election periods are delicate on the one side and resourceful on the other in terms of the insights that can come out from a snapshot of citizens’ views and perceptions. This survey was conducted in the pre-campaign period in order to avoid the distorted perceptions that can come out as a result of the conflicting waves of information that electoral campaigns reflect on citizens. Nevertheless, this survey still wants to map some important views, perceptions and concerns that citizens expressed in the eve of these local elections 2015.
This Policy Paper was prepared in the context of the joint Albanian Institute for International Studies (AIIS), Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES) project: “Albania and Kosovo - In quest of a Common Future”. Its first chapter deals with the historical dimension of the relations between Albania and Kosovo. During their history Kosovo and Albania have been isolated for more than four decades and this has caused deep divisions in economic, political and societal terms, which still persist today. During WWII, both countries experienced a short term unification (1941-1944), which resulted very successful in strengthening their economic ties. However, during the communist regimes in Albania and Yugoslavia, cooperation was limited only to sporadic academic and cultural interaction. After the fall of the Iron curtain, deep isolation continued to mark the relations between the two countries. The situation changed only after the outbreak of the Kosovo War and the establishment of the UNMIK administration in 1999, with the signing of a series of economic and free trade agreements. After the independence of Kosovo in 2008, one can speak for the first time in history of relations between two separate and sovereign Albanian dominated states. As such, these relations are experiencing a new evolving economic and political dimension.
The necessary return of ideology: Political parties and ideological profile in Albania
Author(s): Enfrid Islami / Language(s): English
Keywords: Albanian Political Parties; Albanian Communist Party; The National Front; Elections
The life of political parties in Albania is a relatively short one compared to other countries in the region. The country only recently celebrated its 100th anniversary of independence. In reality, the country has enjoyed democracy and independence for a far shorter amount of time. The declaration of independence in Vlora in 1912 was followed by internal conflict between different regional groups, foreign invasion, and a constant state of turmoil in which political activity was practically impossible. Even before the declaration of independence, the Albanian political class had shown a high level of inefficiency and unwillingness to come together in the common effort to push forward the issues of Albanian national identity and unity. The series of conflicts which followed the declaration of independence in 1912, including two world wars, resulted in a very hostile environment for political life to flourish in Albania. It took a long time for the country to take full control of its territory and national sovereignty, a must for the development of political parties and organizations.The long period of communist rule that followed from the end of the Second World War, established the tradition of a one party system. For almost 50 years, every political activity except for the ruling Communist Party was illegal, and thus the establishment of a proper multiparty system in the country had to be postponed till after 1991. // This paper will introduce the reader with a short background of political parties in Albania, while focusing on the period after 1991, with the emergence of the multiparty system in the country. The paper aims at providing readers with a profile of the political parties in Albania during the 2013 electoral campaign, the hot issues discussed during the campaign, as well as the position of the main parties on each of these issues. This paper also aims at emphasizing the role of ideology in Albanian politics at the moment, as well as analyzes the evolution of ideology into an important mechanism for Albanian political parties during electoral campaigns throughout the years.
Author(s): Andi Balla,Filip Ejdus,Megi Llubani / Language(s): English
Keywords: Western Balkans; Cooperation; Conflict; European Union; Media Monitoring
The aim of this paper is to modestly contribute to the development and sustainability of relations between Albania and Serbia, by shedding light on current relations in the political, economic and cultural realms and potentials for future improvements. The initiative therefore aims to overpass often wrong perceptions that impede normal political, economic and cultural relations between the two countries. The paper is divided into five parts: Initially we draw attention to the historical background of relations between Albania and Serbia during the past twenty years; the second part is dedicated to the methodology adopted for the study; the third chapter deals with quantitative findings from media monitoring in both Albania and Serbia, and the fourth chapter focuses on qualitative findings retrieved from interviews both in Tirana and Belgrade; finally the paper ends with respective conclusions and recommendations that might serve to the future improvement of relations and, subsequently, perceptions on both sides.
Albania in the next ten years – Politics, Economy, Society - Perceptions
Author(s): Maklen Misha / Language(s): English
Keywords: Western Balkans; European Union; Governance; Democracy
Albania in the Next Ten Years marks the conclusion of a twostage project entitled Twenty Years After: Rethinking Democracy and the State in Albania. The aim of the project was to gauge the perceptions of the Albanian public on the period in Albanian history commonly referred to as the ‘transition,’ as well as to understand Albanians’ expectations about the future. The data gathered by this project constitutes a valuable addition to the rich body of data gathered over the years by the Albanian Institute for International Studies through a considerable number of surveys that have, for the most part, focused on the issues of Euro-Atlantic integration, state and institution building, the implementation of democratic standards, and, to a lesser extent, on social issues and the economy. This project is distinct because it is the first attempt to offer an overview of not only the way in which the Albanian public has experienced the post-Communist transition, but also the way in which this experience has shaped their expectations for the future. // The next decade will show whether Albania decides to complete the transition process, or to remain tangled up in the limbo of a hybrid regime. Whereas last year we answered the question “What is Albania like twenty year after the collapse of the communist regime?” this year we try to answer the question “What do Albanians expect for their country in the next ten years?” And as one can expect, given the confusing nature of developments in Albania, the responses given to the survey also show a level of confusion, a combination between pessimism and optimism, satisfaction and dissatisfaction, that would have been hard to understand without taking into account the rollercoaster that has been the last years of life in Albania.
Few issues interest the Albanians more than their country’s Euro-Atlantic integration. However, while accession to the EU must for the moment, remains a distant dream, in recent months expectations have been raised that Albania might receive an invitation to join NATO in the Summit of Bucharest due in April 2008. Several ministers have made declarations to that effect and the media has been quite active in discussing the possibility, too. If this indeed proves to be the case, it would be hard to explain the sense of accomplishment Albanians would feel at the realization of their dream. // Because of the proximity of the Summit of Bucharest and the expectations that prevail in Albania concerning its possible invitation to join NATO in July 2007, AIIS decided to conduct a survey with four elite groups of the Albanian society. These groups are involved in the integration process more actively and directly than the ordinary Albanians are. The rationale behind the choice of target groups was based on the belief that these groups because of their position in society and their ability to influence decision-making. Therefore, it is interesting to ascertain the level of expertise that they possess on the NATO integration process. Because these groups, by their very nature, play a primary role in shaping the attitudes and beliefs of the public as a whole, by shaping attitudes one can also expect to gain a sense of what the public as a whole thinks of these issues.
THE EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVE OF ALBANIA: Perceptions and Realities 2012
Author(s): Alba Çela / Language(s): English
The Albanian Institute for International Studies (AIIS) brings to the reader the 2012 edition of the yearly survey study ‘The European Perspective of Albania’, an authoritative and established publication, part of the European program which is one of the key programs of the AIIS regular activity. After nine years of carefully collecting, reporting, analyzing and interpreting the perceptions and expectations of the Albanian public related to EU and integration, AIIS has now a valuable experience and has built a solid reputation both with domestic as well as with international institutions referring valuable data and providing practical recommendations in relation to furthering the citizens involvement in the integration process.
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