CSD Policy Brief No. 43: Corruption and Anti-Corruption in Bulgaria (2012 – 2013)

CSD Policy Brief No. 43: Corruption and Anti-Corruption in Bulgaria (2012 – 2013)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Bulgarian

Keywords: Corruption;

The corruption trends indices for Bulgaria in 2013 are calculated through the Corruption Monitoring System (CMS) developed by the Center for the Study of Democracy and Vitosha Research. The results show that administrative corruption among the population in Bulgaria over the past two years remains practically unchanged. On average, over the period 2012 – 2013, 14% of the adult population has been involved in corruption transactions at least once per year.

Germany in the Russia-Ukraine Conflict: Political or Humanitarian Mission?

Niemcy w konflikcie rosyjsko-ukraińskim: misja polityczna czy humanitarna?

Author(s): Anna Kwiatkowska-Drożdż,Kamil Frymark / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Russia-Ukraine conflict; Germany; humanitarian policy;

Since the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, profound changes in Germany’s thinking about Russia, its political elite and foreign policy, can be observed. The trust most German politicians had in their former strategic partner has now lessened. At the same time, Germany has been particularly involved in the process of resolving the conflict, which was demonstrated by the intensive diplomatic actions it undertook. When these failed, Chancellor Angela Merkel did not hesitate to force through the introduction and maintenance of economic sanctions. At the same time, however, this evolution in Germany’s thinking about Russia has not translated into any change in the two basic assumptions of the German attitude towards a possible solution to the conflict. First, Germany supports the concept of ‘strategic patience’ in politics in the context of Russia’s aggression. Second, it is convinced that Europe is fated to cooperate with the Russian Federation, and Europe’s welfare and security are only possible with Russia as a partner in cooperation, not against it or without it. Therefore, in the immediate future no radical change in Germany’s policy as pursued so far should be expected. This provokes questions concerning not only the effectiveness of Berlin’s current actions, but also – in a broader sense – Germany’s ability to negotiate and achieve real, political solutions to the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, reaching beyond (another) ceasefire. The Minsk agreements of 12 February can be considered a success worthy of a humanitarian mission carried out in the hope of reducing the number of casualties. However, the political mission undertaken by Chancellor Merkel and Foreign Minister Steinmeier aimed at “ensuring Europe’s security order”1 has so far resulted in the sense of helplessness and frustration which have recently dominated Germany’s policy towards Russia.

CKP Mission Statement

CKP Küldetésnyilatkozat

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Hungarian

Keywords: CKP;Mission Statement (CKP)

The Civil Platform for Public Education (CKP) is a democratic cooperation forum of more than fifty Hungarian civil society organizations operating based on shared educational policies. This document is the mission statement of CKP.

CKP Fundamental values

CKP alapértékek

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Hungarian

Keywords: CKP;CKP Fundamental values

This document lists the fundamental values of Civil Platform for Public Education (CKP). CKP is a democratic cooperation forum of more than fifty Hungarian civil society organizations operating based on shared educational policies. Any effectual education policy should be accordant to CKP fundamental values (see text under Add Files tab in Hungarian and English).

It’s not (only) about Erika Steinbach. Three myths in the German discourse on the resettlements

It’s not (only) about Erika Steinbach. Three myths in the German discourse on the resettlements

Author(s): Anna Kwiatkowska-Drożdż / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Erika Steinbach; German resettlements

The activity of the Federation of Expellees and its chairperson Erika Steinbach, including efforts aimed at establishing the Centre Against Expulsions have been and will continue to be a source of controversy in Germany’s domestic policy, as well as in Polish–German and Czech–German relations. Steinbach has become a central figure in German inter-party conflicts and in disputes with the country’s immediate neighbours. In her efforts to gain more publicity for injustice and suffering in the German past she has resorted to controversial methods and has thus latched onto another stage in the historical debate on the consequences of World War II. This time it is related to and interpreted from the point of view of the German victims. The consequences of the present debate on how Germany suffered during the war do matter and will continue to matter both for Germany itself and for Germany’s relations with its near neighbours. Contrary to popular belief, the debate, still underway and in the shape imposed by Erika Steinbach, is likely to bring some benefit to Poland.

'The power gained, we will never surrender' Russian ruling elite versus the succession and economic crisis

'The power gained, we will never surrender' Russian ruling elite versus the succession and economic crisis

Author(s): Jadwiga Rogoża / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Russian ruling elite; governance; corruption

Even though the economic crisis proved harmful to the Russian economy and people's living standards, it has nonetheless failed to make the elite revise its policy. Despite some problems, the government has managed to sustain economic and political stability, thanks to the reserves it amassed in the times of prosperity, and to the propaganda campaign that protected it, above all Vladimir Putin. The crisis failed to force the elite to implement deeper structural and political reforms. Moreover, it has actually reinforced existing tendencies, such as state control over the economy and its oil-oriented character, the elite's economic expansion at the expense of private businesses, and the preservation of political power. Thus, the crisis has so far failed to dismantle Putinism, indeed quite the reverse - it has in fact contributed to its becoming 'set in stone'.

Belarus - Russia: Whither Integration?

Belarus - Russia: Whither Integration?

Author(s): Rafał Sadowski / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Belarus; Russia

Of the re-integration processes currently taking place in the former Soviet Union, the formation of a Russian-Belarusian so-called 'Union State' is one of the most advanced. A customs union was formally announced between the two countries as early as 1995 and the process of constructing the Union State itself was launched in December 1999. However, both events were largely driven by the perceived need to match societal demands, without much concrete action and the Union State remained largely 'virtual'. Only in the last few years has the Russian initiative allowed for moving from symbolic gestures to political action and since late 2002 debate and policy have intensified on specific issues of economic and political co-operation. However, despite such advances in the integration process, its objectives remain vague and there is little or no agreement on the principles that should govern the process. Furthermore, current bilateral relations questions still dominate the dialogue. The project seems at present to be driven mainly by the political interests of both countries' presidents and also, to a lesser extent, by the interests of business, political, military and security elites, each apparently motivated by self- and group-interest in the emerging dialogue of integration. In contrast to EU integration, the societies of the two countries involved appear to have had little or no say in the process. Thus, several questions naturally arise. What is the real nature of such integration? What motivates the parties involved? What stage has the process reached? What likely future course will it take? What might be the consequences of it for Belarusian independence? Answers to these questions should ultimately determine the stance and policies of the enlarged EU in this area.

Eastern Policy of the EU: the Visegrad Countries' Perspective. Thinking about an Eastern Dimension

Eastern Policy of the EU: the Visegrad Countries' Perspective. Thinking about an Eastern Dimension

Author(s): Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Eastern Policy of the EU; Visegrad Countries

1. After its enlargement, scheduled for 2004, the European Union will face a completely new situation at its eastern borders. This new situation calls for a new concept of the EU eastern activities, i.e. for development of the new Eastern Policy of the EU.2. Due to a number of specific features such as geographical location, closeness of ties, direct risk factors etc., the Visegrad countries will and should be particularly interested in the process of formulating the new EU Eastern Policy. Consequently, they should be the co-makers of this policy.3. The new EU Eastern Policy should differ fundamentally from the Union's traditional eastern relations. Firstly, its scope should not cover the entire CIS area: instead, the policy should focus on some of the European successor states of the former Soviet Union, namely Belarus, Russia and Ukraine, as well as Moldova, following the accession of Romania. It does not seem advisable to exclude the Russian Federation from this policy and to develop and implement a separate policy towards it. The new Eastern Policy should be an autonomous component and one of the most important elements in the overall foreign policy of the EU.4. Secondly, the new Eastern Policy should be founded on the following two pillars: a region-oriented strategy, which could be called the Eastern Dimension, and reshaped strategies for individual countries. The Eastern Dimension should set up a universal framework of co-operation, defining its basic mechanisms and objectives. These should include: the adaptation assistance programme, JHA, transborder co-operation, social dialogue and transport infrastructures. The approach, however, should be kept flexible, taking into account the specific situation of each country. This purpose should be served by keeping in place the existing bilateral institutional contacts between the EU and each of its eastern neighbours, and by developing a national strategy for each neighbour.

The "Pro-Western Turn" in Russia's Foreign Policy: Causes, Consequences and Prospects

The "Pro-Western Turn" in Russia's Foreign Policy: Causes, Consequences and Prospects

Author(s): Marek Menkiszak / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Russia's Foreign Policy

From Europe and Poland's point of view, one of the most important recent developments in international politics was the re-orientation of Russia's foreign policy. This paper aims to answer three important questions relating to this issue:4. When and why did the "pro-Western turn" in the Russian Federation's policy take place? 5. Has it been profitable for Russia?6. What goals will the Russian policy pursue in the future?An analysis of the last two years in Russia's foreign policy leads to the several conclusions, including those: 5. Clearly, the Russian leaders realise that in the longer term, Russia - in its desire for more influence in the world - will not be able to survive as an independent pole of power in international politics and it will have to join forces with the West (most likely, the European Union).6. September 11 was not the cause of Russia's pro-Western turn, but rather a catalyst that put the process which started when Vladimir Putin took his office in sharp focus.7. In the nearest future, this new direction of Russia's foreign policy seems not be challenged by internal opposition in Russia.8. The "pro-Western turn" proved to be beneficial for Russia, although:d. Russia has not become a strategic ally of the USe. There has been no breakthrough in the relations between Russia and the European Union, and Moscow has not gained any real influence on NATO's important decisions. f. Russia has not become a major decision-maker of international politics. 5. Russia's closing to the West is in Poland's and Europe's interest.

The Ukrainian Independent Cultural Journal ”Ї“ — № 91/2018

Український незалежний культурологічний журнал «Ї» — № 91/2018

Author(s): Oksaiia Zayachkivska,Lesya Mateshuk-Vatceba,Volodymyr Semeniv,Lubov Gotsko-Ney,Zenovij Masnyj,Oksana Stadnyk / Language(s): English,Ukrainian

In order to make the thorough mendacity of Putin's rhetoric about "Ukraine as a State of Neo-Nazis" fully evident, CEEOL is offering the Ukrainian Jewish journal ”Ї“ as the strongest possible proof of a habit of "modern Ukrainian and world intellectual thought". The NGO "Ї", an independent cultural organization founded in the late 1980's in L'viv, focuses on modern Ukrainian and world intellectual thought. It offers periodic forums for discussion of issues concerning Ukraine and, among others, Europe, Russia, post-Byzantium, the Muslim Renaissance. It analyzes the current situation in order to develop future socio-political strategies. The organization also publishes "Ї", a quarterly journal dealing with European and Ukrainian issues in politics, philosophy, and culture. It also examines the relationship of Ukrainians with Russians, Poles, Austrians, and Jews and places Ukraine in a modern geopolitical sphere that can further Ukraine's identity as a modern state.

The Ukrainian Independent Cultural Journal ”Ї“ — № 90/2018

Український незалежний культурологічний журнал «Ї» — № 90/2018

Author(s): Alim Aliyev,Gulnara Bekirov,Tatiana Bykova,Taras Wozniak,Mustafa Dzhemilev,Andriy Ivanets,Bogdan Korolenko,Yulia Tyshchenko,Adas Jakubauskas,Henryk Jankowski / Language(s): English,Ukrainian

In order to make the thorough mendacity of Putin's rethorics about Ukraine as a State of "Neo-Nazis" fully evident, CEEOL is offering the Ukrainian Jewish journal ”Ї“ as the strongerst possible proof of a habit of "modern Ukrainian and world intellectual thought". The NGO "Ї", an independent cultural organization founded in the late 1980's in L'viv, focuses on modern Ukrainian and world intellectual thought. It offers periodic forums for discussion of issues concerning Ukraine and, among others, Europe, Russia, post-Byzantium, the Muslim Renaissance. It analyzes the current situation in order to develop future socio-political strategies. The organization also publishes "Ї", a quarterly journal dealing with European and Ukrainian issues in politics, philosophy, and culture. It also examines the relationship of Ukrainians with Russians, Poles, Austrians, and Jews and places Ukraine in a modern geopolitical sphere that can further Ukraine's identity as a modern state.

The Ukrainian Independent Cultural Journal ”Ї“ — № 66/2011

Український незалежний культурологічний журнал «Ї» — № 66/2011

Author(s): Milena Rudnytska,Andrei Sheptytsky,Gavriil Kostelnyk,Julian Dzerovich,Vladimir Blavatsky,Volodymyr Doroshenko,Ivan Bilyk,Kostya Levitsky,Elena Biter,Stepan Bilyak,Ivan Shvarko,Mikhail Roslyak,Maria Strutynska / Language(s): English,Ukrainian

Keywords: Hitler-Stalin-pact; Molotov-Ribbentrop pact;

In order to make the thorough mendacity of Putin's rethorics about "Ukraine as a State of Neo-Nazis" fully evident, CEEOL is offering the Ukrainian Jewish journal ”Ї“ as the strongerst possible proof of a habit of "modern Ukrainian and world intellectual thought". The NGO "Ї", an independent cultural organization founded in the late 1980's in L'viv, focuses on modern Ukrainian and world intellectual thought. It offers periodic forums for discussion of issues concerning Ukraine and, among others, Europe, Russia, post-Byzantium, the Muslim Renaissance. It analyzes the current situation in order to develop future socio-political strategies. The organization also publishes "Ї", a quarterly journal dealing with European and Ukrainian issues in politics, philosophy, and culture. It also examines the relationship of Ukrainians with Russians, Poles, Austrians, and Jews and places Ukraine in a modern geopolitical sphere that can further Ukraine's identity as a modern state.

The political Representation of National Minorities in Romania

Reprezentarea politică a minorităţilor naţionale în România

Author(s): István Gergő Székely / Language(s): English,Romanian

Keywords: National minorities in Romania; Representation; Participation of minorities in election process; Discriminatory nature of the candidature conditions;

The paper consists of two main parts. The first part reviews the evolution of the most important aspects of Romanian electoral legislation concerning the representation of national minorities, both at the national and the local level. The second part presents the results obtained by the organizations of 19 minorities from Romania at the national elections (1990-2008) and the elections to the local and county councils (1996-2008). During the two decades that passed since the fall of Communism, Romanian electoral legislation underwent multiple changes, with both positive and negative consequences on the participation of minorities. Among the negative changes we have to mention the introduction (and subsequent raising) of electoral thresholds, and the adoption of double standards regarding candidatures for organizations represented in Parliament and those outside Parliament (obviously, with way more difficult conditions for the latter category). The higher thresholds introduced after 2000 had a negative impact on the number of minority representatives in the local councils, and with the exception of Hungarians and Germans, the minorities disappeared from the county councils. The double standards regarding candidature considerably watered down political competition within the minority communities, almost to the extent of granting political monopoly for the organizations in Parliament over the communities they claim to represent. On the other hand, Romanian electoral laws also contain special rules that provide electoral affirmative action for minorities. In the Chamber of Deputies the presence of minorities is almost guaranteed, due to the existence of special seats that can be obtained by reaching a symbolic alternative threshold. Affirmative action is present at the level of the local councils too, but it is far from being efficient. On the contrary, the special rule at the local level is ill-conceived: it is unable to counteract the underrepresentation of minorities, moreover, it can even deprive them of some seats they would have obtained, had they been treated like the political parties. Taking into account the underrepresentation of minorities (and the negative trend concerning this), the discriminatory nature of the candidature conditions and the inefficiency of the special electoral rule, the conclusions of the study call for a thorough redesign of the Romanian system of minority representation.

The changes of rural farming in a Transylvanian settlement

Schimbări în agricultura rurală într-o localitate din Transilvania

Author(s): Lehel Peti / Language(s): English,Romanian

Keywords: Rural farming; Transylvanian settlement; Pluriactivity and diversification; Agricultural activities; Small farms; Sheep farms;

The article analyzes the changes occurred in a Transylvanian village farming. First part of the paper focuses on the economic and social frameworks and context of the rural farming. The main part of the analysis based on the theoretical concepts of pluriactivity, diversification and food self-provisioning and the conceptualization of the special literature analyzes the economic strategies of a Romanian village, seeking to present a typology based on nature of economic strategies. The author argues that the main strategy is pluriactivity, however the limited forms of diversification are also present in the farming patterns of the village, which mark a shift toward a more specialized, profit-oriented farming. Near this strategies the food self-provisioning is also present, what is more there has appeared new ideologies and meanings regarding to food very well known mostly from the western countries' alternative food networks.

Subsistence strategies in a settlement situated along the Kis-Küküllő (Târnava Mică) Rive

Strategii de subzistenţă într-o localitate de lângă Târnava Mică

Author(s): Lehel Peti / Language(s): English,Romanian

Keywords: Subsistence strategies; Economic and social changes; social stratifications; Farms; Horticultures; Day-labourers; Quasi-agricultural enterprise experiments;

The study attempts to present the economic strategies of a settlement, in which employment in state companies built upon a specific environmental resource (natural gas extraction) as well as the success of an independent enterprise has significantly transformed the livelihood strategies based on agriculture, resulting in a change in lifestyle as well. The studied settlement represents the opposite model of the villages re-peasantised after the regime change, described in the Transylvanian scholarly literature. The study analyses the economic behaviour modes, as well as the changes in the livelihood strategies observed in a settlement along the Kis-Küküllő (Târnava Mică) River, aiming to present the stratification of the rural society based on economic strategies. The author outlines the way in which in this multiethnic (inhabited by Hungarians, Romanians and Romani) small settlement, the bakery which used to function as a cooperative during socialism became a well-established company employing a significant part of the village's population, being present in important segments of the national markets, connecting the previously isolated small settlement with new regional and national networks. He also presents the significance of the natural gas extraction activities from the point of view of livelihood strategies, after which he presents the economic strategies built upon agricultural activities.

Turk, Tatar, Or Turko-Tatar. Challenges to the Identities of Dobruja Turks and Tatars in Post-communism

Turc, tătar sau turco-tătar. Probleme ale identității la turcii și tătarii din Dobrogea, în perioada postcomunistă

Author(s): Adriana Cupcea / Language(s): English,Romanian

Keywords: Turk-Tatar identities; Post-communism period; ethnic community; cultural orientation; Identity overlapping;

This research aims to analyze the use and the references to the terms of Turkish, Tatar or Turkish-Tatar, as a reflection of the argumentative discourse, set up after 1990 in order to legitimize the options for a single ethnic identity, either Turkish or Tartar, or for a double ethnic identity, Turkish-Tatar. At the same time, the research shows the chronological alternation of these options from the level of the official discourse until the community level, identifying the social, political, economic, cultural or symbolic factors that determined this sequence in the post-communist era. From the methodological point of view, the research is based on the semantic analysis applied on the texts published in the newspapers of the Turkish and Tatar communities, Hakses (The Authentic Voice) and Karadeniz (The Black Sea). In the same time I used a series of documents issued by the representative organizations of the two ethnic groups, some published, some original unpublished documents. Finally, the research is based on a large number of semi-structured interviews with members of the two communities, conducted during successive field campaigns initiated in early 2013, the debate over a Turkish, Tatar or Turkish-Tatar identity being a recurring topic, self-discovered to the researcher in the field.

goEast - 22nd Festival of Central and Eastern European Film

goEast - 22. Festival des mittel- und osteueropäischen Films

Author(s): Heleen Gerritsen / Language(s): English,German

Keywords: festival;film;cinema;catalogue

№187: A Strategic Partner of China or United States Accomplice? Poland in the View of Chinese Authorities and Experts

№187: Strategiczny partner Chin czy wspólnik USA? Polska w retoryce władz i środowisk eksperckich ChRL

Author(s): Marcin Przychodniak / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Poland; strategic partnership; USA; China; foreign policy;

Relations with Poland are not an important topic in the Chinese political debate. They become an element of the official narrative only in the wider context of China’s relations with the U.S. or the EU. The participants of the debate, including the authorities, declare their will to develop relations with Poland, but believe that the obstacle is primarily the country’s close relations with the United States. They believe that this state of affairs will continue under the presidency of Joe Biden, and thus the improvement of relations is not really possible. The current deterioration is, however, in the judgment of authorities and experts, not a big problem for China.

2020 Belarus: Belarus between EU imperialism and Russian occupation

2020 Belarus: Belarus between EU imperialism and Russian occupation

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English,Russian

Keywords: 2020; Belarus; EU; imperialism; Russian occupation; elections;

In the Republic of Belarus, presidential elections were held on 9 August 2020. The current President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko is the winner of the presidential elections at which he won 80.23% of the votes. The turnout at the elections was 84.23%. However, the opposition candidates expressed their discontent over the results of the elections. Particularly, Svetlana Tikhanovskaya, who won 10.09% of the votes. Immediately after the closing of the polling stations, citizens started the protests in order to express their discontent over the just held elections and the election results. The opposition went so far in its stances that it alleged that the opposition candidate Tikhanovskaya had won 80%, and Lukashenko only 10% of the votes. Analysts believe that while the just held elections were not ideal, had some shortcomings and could have been conducted in different atmosphere and conditions, an inverse election result is practically impossible bearing in mind the organization of Belarus, its political modus operandi and the sentiments of the electorate.

2020 Belarus: Wagnerization of Belarus

2020 Belarus: Wagnerization of Belarus

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English,Russian

Keywords: 2020; Belarus; Wagnerization; presidential elections;

In the Republic of Belarus, presidential elections are to take place on 9 August 2020. The elections will take place in a rather tense atmosphere. The developments in Belarus over the past years are a consequence of not just internal political relations in the country, but also significant foreign influence, which has been particularly prominent in the election year. Although the President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko is in the focus of current happenings, they are a result of much deeper and more complex developments than it may seem at a first glance. Particularly if one is looking at the developments in the country through the prism of relations between President Lukashenko and the opposition and the opposition presidential candidates.