CSD Policy Brief No. 43: Corruption and Anti-Corruption in Bulgaria (2012 – 2013)

CSD Policy Brief No. 43: Corruption and Anti-Corruption in Bulgaria (2012 – 2013)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Bulgarian

Keywords: Corruption;

The corruption trends indices for Bulgaria in 2013 are calculated through the Corruption Monitoring System (CMS) developed by the Center for the Study of Democracy and Vitosha Research. The results show that administrative corruption among the population in Bulgaria over the past two years remains practically unchanged. On average, over the period 2012 – 2013, 14% of the adult population has been involved in corruption transactions at least once per year.

Germany in the Russia-Ukraine Conflict: Political or Humanitarian Mission?

Niemcy w konflikcie rosyjsko-ukraińskim: misja polityczna czy humanitarna?

Author(s): Anna Kwiatkowska-Drożdż,Kamil Frymark / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Russia-Ukraine conflict; Germany; humanitarian policy;

Since the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, profound changes in Germany’s thinking about Russia, its political elite and foreign policy, can be observed. The trust most German politicians had in their former strategic partner has now lessened. At the same time, Germany has been particularly involved in the process of resolving the conflict, which was demonstrated by the intensive diplomatic actions it undertook. When these failed, Chancellor Angela Merkel did not hesitate to force through the introduction and maintenance of economic sanctions. At the same time, however, this evolution in Germany’s thinking about Russia has not translated into any change in the two basic assumptions of the German attitude towards a possible solution to the conflict. First, Germany supports the concept of ‘strategic patience’ in politics in the context of Russia’s aggression. Second, it is convinced that Europe is fated to cooperate with the Russian Federation, and Europe’s welfare and security are only possible with Russia as a partner in cooperation, not against it or without it. Therefore, in the immediate future no radical change in Germany’s policy as pursued so far should be expected. This provokes questions concerning not only the effectiveness of Berlin’s current actions, but also – in a broader sense – Germany’s ability to negotiate and achieve real, political solutions to the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, reaching beyond (another) ceasefire. The Minsk agreements of 12 February can be considered a success worthy of a humanitarian mission carried out in the hope of reducing the number of casualties. However, the political mission undertaken by Chancellor Merkel and Foreign Minister Steinmeier aimed at “ensuring Europe’s security order”1 has so far resulted in the sense of helplessness and frustration which have recently dominated Germany’s policy towards Russia.

It’s not (only) about Erika Steinbach. Three myths in the German discourse on the resettlements

It’s not (only) about Erika Steinbach. Three myths in the German discourse on the resettlements

Author(s): Anna Kwiatkowska-Drożdż / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Erika Steinbach; German resettlements

The activity of the Federation of Expellees and its chairperson Erika Steinbach, including efforts aimed at establishing the Centre Against Expulsions have been and will continue to be a source of controversy in Germany’s domestic policy, as well as in Polish–German and Czech–German relations. Steinbach has become a central figure in German inter-party conflicts and in disputes with the country’s immediate neighbours. In her efforts to gain more publicity for injustice and suffering in the German past she has resorted to controversial methods and has thus latched onto another stage in the historical debate on the consequences of World War II. This time it is related to and interpreted from the point of view of the German victims. The consequences of the present debate on how Germany suffered during the war do matter and will continue to matter both for Germany itself and for Germany’s relations with its near neighbours. Contrary to popular belief, the debate, still underway and in the shape imposed by Erika Steinbach, is likely to bring some benefit to Poland.

The invisible hand... of the Kremlin. Capitalism 'a la russe'

The invisible hand... of the Kremlin. Capitalism 'a la russe'

Author(s): Iwona Wiśniewska / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Kremlin; capitalism 'a la russe'

This study describes the two main economic processes observed in Russia during President Vladimir Putin's second term; renationalisation, and the concentration of economic assets.As a result of these processes, the share of state-owned property has increased and the position of the state in the economy has strengthened. According to the authorities, the wide-range renationalisation of the assets and the construction of superholdings based on the state enterprises are intended to boost Russia's potential and stimulate the development of the whole economy. However, in practice the current ruling elite are using these superholdings to strengthen Russia's position on the international arena and to promote their vested interests.

Counter-reforms in times of prosperity

Counter-reforms in times of prosperity

Author(s): Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Russia

In 2000, Vladimir Putin came to power after nearly a decade of the rule of the first Russian president, Boris Yeltsin. As prime minister, and later as a candidate for president, Putin announced that he would reform the state. The main assumptions of this reform were presented during a congress of the pro-Kremlin Unity movement, in Putin's address entitled 'Russia at the turn of the millennium' which was delivered on 29 December 1999, and later in a open letter to voters published on 25 February 2000. Both declarations were rather general, but they gave a clear picture of the principal directions of and priority areas for the future president's efforts: they outlined Russia's development path as pro-market and democratic.Nearly seven years have passed since Vladimir Putin came to power, a time for a summary of his achievements. In a way, Vladimir Putin has partially delivered on his initial declarations; indeed, Russia has undergone a deep transformation. However, when seen in the light of the president’s initial promises, the changes appear to be no more than 'counter-reforms', because instead of putting into practice the policy he outlined seven years ago, they have largely followed a different, if not entirely opposite direction.

What Future for Ukraine?

What Future for Ukraine?

Author(s): Anna Górska / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Ukraine

One hundred days after the inauguration of the Ukrainian president Viktor Yushchenko and the appointment of the new government led by Yulia Tymoshenko it is traditionally the time for first reviews and assessments of the new authorities' policy. In the case of Ukraine, this is particularly interesting. The regime change occurred largely as a result of an anti-system public protest known as the orange revolution. However, Maydan did not principally formulate any positive programme. Rather, it vocally protested against what the society no longer accepted - lawlessness of the authorities, corruption, poverty, lies in highest offices and the media, and disregard for the society which the leaders only remembered during electoral campaigns but still refused to respect the voters' will. Hence, the principal challenge for the new authorities should be to reshape the system which Leonid Kuchma continued building for years as a kind of symbiosis between political and business groups and the bureaucracy. Yushchenko's pre-election declarations, the presentation of his programme and the choice of European integration as the strategic objective, which the president repeatedly declared in his speeches both in Ukraine and during his many foreign visits, all these indicate that the system reconstruction is meant to lead to the creation of a democratic state of law and a market economy. In the period in question, the new authorities' policy was focused on dismantling the system created by the former regime and on wide-scale replacements of officials, struggle against corruption and implementation of the social promises made during the campaign. This could be regarded as preparation for the implementation of the principal objectives concerning the creation of a new Ukraine, but in fact the government is largely motivated by the short-term goal of next year's parliamentary elections. The measures that have been taken are arguably justified but it is Orange was the campaign colour of Viktor Yushchenko. Another term used to refer to the upheaval is Maydan, standing for Independence Square (Maydan Nezalezhnosti), the main square in Kyiv where the several-weeks long protest was staged. obvious that the new political style and the manner of operation of the new authorities are often reminiscent of the previous regime. Particularly difficult to accept are practices such as the use of law to one's own ends and behind-the-scenes bargaining over appointments and competencies of officials. This is due to the fact that the new authorities include many people who held high state offices in various periods of Leonid Kuchma's presidency. The old habits and attitudes, sometimes combined with involvement in various political-business arrangements, adversely affect the quality of politics. Economic policy suffers most because of the absence of a strategy for social and economic development, programme and ideological differences among the new leaders, and, to some extent, the "legacy" of the previous authorities. The problems that emerged already in the first months suggest that the transformation process in Ukraine is going to be difficult, long, and susceptible to various distortions, and that the principal reforms will only be undertaken after the parliamentary election of March 2006.

The ENP in practice - the European Union's policy towards Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova one year after the publication of the Strategy Paper

The ENP in practice - the European Union's policy towards Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova one year after the publication of the Strategy Paper

Author(s): Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: ENP; Russia; Ukraine; Belarus; Moldova

1. Clear qualitative changes have taken place in relations between the European Union and its Eastern neighbours over the past year. The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) has been playing a significant part in the context of these changes. In the cases of Moldova and Ukraine, which are the countries interested in enhancing co-operation with the EU, the ENP has provided a formula that allows taking steps to implement this objective. The ENP has also contributed to "outlining an alternative" to Belarus' current self-isolation. However, the ENP has first of all given a clear message to Russia by specifying the EU's interests and objectives concerning Eastern Europe. The ENP has clearly stated that the EU wants to build democracy and a free market in those countries, and has signalled that the European Union intends to discuss the issues concerning the countries directly with them, and not through Moscow's offices.2. The main shortcoming of the ENP appears to be the disproportion between the number of commitments and tasks that the neighbours must make and carry out and the benefits promised by the EU. Currently, the ENP does not offer membership prospects, and other concessions made by the European Union have not been clearly defined (neither in terms of the scope nor the terms and conditions of implementation). This lack of balance between the European Union's great aspirations to influence its neighbours and the limited offer it addresses to those neighbours seems to be a problem of such magnitude that, unless the situation changes, it may paralyse further implementation of the ENP. 3. The mechanisms and objectives of the ENP have been determined in rather general terms, which gives the EU great freedom of action in its policy towards the Eastern partners. On the one hand, the ENP allows for a very reserved approach or even the simulation of real actions; yet on the other, it does not exclude the possibility of very active engagement by the EU (including holding out the prospect of membership for the European neighbours). This shows that the ENP does not definitely determine the nature of the EU engagement. A great deal depends on the political will on the part of both the European Union's structures and its individual member states. The ENP's flexibility seems to be a particularly valuable feature; it gives an opportunity for an evolutional change to this formula which may be inspired by both new experiences and the changing reality.

Security of Russian Gas Supplies to the EU - the Qestion of Infrastructural Connections

Security of Russian Gas Supplies to the EU - the Qestion of Infrastructural Connections

Author(s): Agata Loskot-Strachota / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Russian Gas Supplies; energy; EU

The energy security of countries importing energy resources depends largely on the shape and quality of operational transport connections. This is particularly important in the case of natural gas supplies. Natural gas is transported mostly by gas pipelines which permanently connect gas producers and consumers. Thus Europe as a consumer is "tied" to certain gas suppliers for anywhere between a dozen and several tens of years. As their own resources are becoming depleted, the EU Member States get increasingly dependent on import of natural gas. The present paper discusses the existing and projected gas transport routes from Russia to the EU. The first part deals with the importance of gas exports to the economy of the Russian Federation, and the second delves into the EU Member States' dependence on gas imports. Then this paper examines the differences in perceiving the energy security issue between the old and the new Member States, those differences stemming from the different degrees of their dependence on Russian supplies. In the third part, two new transport route projects for Russian gas supplies to the EU are compared and it is argued that from the point of view of the Community's interests, the Yamal gas pipeline is a better solution than the North European (Trans-Baltic) gas pipeline.

The Enlarged European Union and its Eastern Neighbours: Problems and Solutions

The Enlarged European Union and its Eastern Neighbours: Problems and Solutions

Author(s): Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz / Language(s): English,Polish

The EU enlargement is scheduled to take place in 2004. After this date, it should be a priority for the EU to develop a coherent and comprehensive policy towards its nearest neighbours, i.e. countries bordering the Member States, which cannot join the EU in the nearest future due to their location or weaknesses of their political and economic systems. There are at least three reasons for this. Firstly, good relations with neighbours will underlie the broadly understood security of the Community. Relations with the nearest neighbours will determine both military security of the EU (including the combating of terrorism) and its ability to prevent other threats such as illegal migration, smuggling, etc. Secondly, good economic relations with neighbours may contribute to the Member States' economic growth in the longer term. And finally, the EU's ability to develop an effective and adequate policy towards its nearest neighbours will demonstrate its competence as a subject of international politics. In other words, the EU will not be recognised as a reliable political player in the global scene until it develops an effective strategy for its neighbourhood.The most overlooked element in the EU policy towards neighbours and one that requires most attention is the eastern dimension of this policy, i.e. the strategy towards Russia, Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova. This direction of the EU neighbourhood policy has clearly attracted heightened attention over the last two years, though it remains overshadowed by relations with other regions bordering the Community, including the Balkans and the Southern Mediterranean. During this period, a number of documents were published that addressed the question of the EU's future policy towards its eastern neighbours. The most important ones included: New Neighbours Initiative - Council conclusions (18th November 2002), Communication from the Commission "Wider Europe - Neighbourhood: a new framework for relations with our Eastern and Southern Neighbours" (11th March 2003), Wider Europe - New Neighbourhood - Council Conclusions (18th June 2003), Communication from the Commission "Paving the way for a New Neighbourhood Instrument" (1st June 2003) and "The Second Northern Dimension Action Plan (2004-2006)" proposed by the Commission (10 June 2003) .These documents, however, reveal many gaps and unsolved dilemmas that have to be addressed before the EU can create a coherent and comprehensive policy towards its eastern neighbours. The present paper aims to pinpoint the most important of these and suggest potential solutions that would be optimal in the author's opinion.

A new Visegrad Group in the new European Union - possibilities and opportunities for development

A new Visegrad Group in the new European Union - possibilities and opportunities for development

Author(s): Mariusz Bocian,Patrycja Bukalska / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Visegrad Group; European Union

The Visegrad Group has fulfilled the tasks it was set when established. It seems unjustified, therefore, to ponder the need for it to function further. However, it is advisable to lay out new tasks, suitable for the group's operation in the new European reality - following EU accession of Visegrad countries in May 2004.

Belarus - Russia: Whither Integration?

Belarus - Russia: Whither Integration?

Author(s): Rafał Sadowski / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Belarus; Russia

Of the re-integration processes currently taking place in the former Soviet Union, the formation of a Russian-Belarusian so-called 'Union State' is one of the most advanced. A customs union was formally announced between the two countries as early as 1995 and the process of constructing the Union State itself was launched in December 1999. However, both events were largely driven by the perceived need to match societal demands, without much concrete action and the Union State remained largely 'virtual'. Only in the last few years has the Russian initiative allowed for moving from symbolic gestures to political action and since late 2002 debate and policy have intensified on specific issues of economic and political co-operation. However, despite such advances in the integration process, its objectives remain vague and there is little or no agreement on the principles that should govern the process. Furthermore, current bilateral relations questions still dominate the dialogue. The project seems at present to be driven mainly by the political interests of both countries' presidents and also, to a lesser extent, by the interests of business, political, military and security elites, each apparently motivated by self- and group-interest in the emerging dialogue of integration. In contrast to EU integration, the societies of the two countries involved appear to have had little or no say in the process. Thus, several questions naturally arise. What is the real nature of such integration? What motivates the parties involved? What stage has the process reached? What likely future course will it take? What might be the consequences of it for Belarusian independence? Answers to these questions should ultimately determine the stance and policies of the enlarged EU in this area.

Eastern Policy of the EU: the Visegrad Countries' Perspective. Thinking about an Eastern Dimension

Eastern Policy of the EU: the Visegrad Countries' Perspective. Thinking about an Eastern Dimension

Author(s): Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Eastern Policy of the EU; Visegrad Countries

1. After its enlargement, scheduled for 2004, the European Union will face a completely new situation at its eastern borders. This new situation calls for a new concept of the EU eastern activities, i.e. for development of the new Eastern Policy of the EU.2. Due to a number of specific features such as geographical location, closeness of ties, direct risk factors etc., the Visegrad countries will and should be particularly interested in the process of formulating the new EU Eastern Policy. Consequently, they should be the co-makers of this policy.3. The new EU Eastern Policy should differ fundamentally from the Union's traditional eastern relations. Firstly, its scope should not cover the entire CIS area: instead, the policy should focus on some of the European successor states of the former Soviet Union, namely Belarus, Russia and Ukraine, as well as Moldova, following the accession of Romania. It does not seem advisable to exclude the Russian Federation from this policy and to develop and implement a separate policy towards it. The new Eastern Policy should be an autonomous component and one of the most important elements in the overall foreign policy of the EU.4. Secondly, the new Eastern Policy should be founded on the following two pillars: a region-oriented strategy, which could be called the Eastern Dimension, and reshaped strategies for individual countries. The Eastern Dimension should set up a universal framework of co-operation, defining its basic mechanisms and objectives. These should include: the adaptation assistance programme, JHA, transborder co-operation, social dialogue and transport infrastructures. The approach, however, should be kept flexible, taking into account the specific situation of each country. This purpose should be served by keeping in place the existing bilateral institutional contacts between the EU and each of its eastern neighbours, and by developing a national strategy for each neighbour.

Ukraine. Another view

Ukraine. Another view

Author(s): Pawel Wołowski / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Ukraine

Ukraine is a difficult partner for the West, and recently, it has been perceived as an enfant terrible because of the Kolchuga affair. Western and Polish press describe Ukraine as an authoritarian regime plagued by an internal crisis or even threatened by destabilisation. This picture is certainly one-sided and oversimplified, and it fails to accurately present the reality of Ukraine. Apart from experiencing definitely adverse political developments, Ukraine has also been successful in some ways in terms of its internal and foreign policies and the economy. At the same time, certain processes take place among the Ukrainian elites, that might be difficult to capture in social surveys, but may become the starting point for the future modernisation and democratisation of the country. To realise that there are some favourable aspects to the changes occurring in Ukraine is not to recognise Ukraine as a country heading to democratisation and a market economy in the Western sense. Still, it is worthwhile to understand that the positive developments, even if isolated, do occur in Ukraine and that they could be strengthened by adequate policies of the Ukrainian authorities and the Western states.

The "Pro-Western Turn" in Russia's Foreign Policy: Causes, Consequences and Prospects

The "Pro-Western Turn" in Russia's Foreign Policy: Causes, Consequences and Prospects

Author(s): Marek Menkiszak / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Russia's Foreign Policy

From Europe and Poland's point of view, one of the most important recent developments in international politics was the re-orientation of Russia's foreign policy. This paper aims to answer three important questions relating to this issue:4. When and why did the "pro-Western turn" in the Russian Federation's policy take place? 5. Has it been profitable for Russia?6. What goals will the Russian policy pursue in the future?An analysis of the last two years in Russia's foreign policy leads to the several conclusions, including those: 5. Clearly, the Russian leaders realise that in the longer term, Russia - in its desire for more influence in the world - will not be able to survive as an independent pole of power in international politics and it will have to join forces with the West (most likely, the European Union).6. September 11 was not the cause of Russia's pro-Western turn, but rather a catalyst that put the process which started when Vladimir Putin took his office in sharp focus.7. In the nearest future, this new direction of Russia's foreign policy seems not be challenged by internal opposition in Russia.8. The "pro-Western turn" proved to be beneficial for Russia, although:d. Russia has not become a strategic ally of the USe. There has been no breakthrough in the relations between Russia and the European Union, and Moscow has not gained any real influence on NATO's important decisions. f. Russia has not become a major decision-maker of international politics. 5. Russia's closing to the West is in Poland's and Europe's interest.

Seven myths about Kaliningrad

Seven myths about Kaliningrad

Author(s): Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Kaliningrad; Russia

Due to the integration to the European Union Poland and Lithuania intend to introduce overall visa obligation for the Russian citizens. Currently the Russians entering Poland may present at the border a voucher, an invitation, or an AB stamp, which entitles them to business travels. Lithuania maintains visa reliefs for the inhabitants of Kaliningrad and the Russians travelling from and to the enclave. The decisions encounter an opposition on the Russian side, which is of the opinion that the activities will result in the isolation of the enclave. This is why Moscow insists on the maintaining of a visa free movement between the enclave and the rest of Russia. The recent statements made by President Putin on the EU-Russia summit meeting in Moscow (May 29) and the Council of Baltic Sea States summit meeting in Petersburg (June 10-11) show a significant hardening of the Russian position on this matter. President Putin has even made the whole of the Russian relations with the European Union conditional on the resolving of the Kaliningrad problem according to the plans of Moscow. During the last few weeks not only the Russian politicians were making statements on the Kaliningrad issue but also representatives of the Polish, Lithuanian and Western authorities, as well as the EU officials. So far, the last ones have definitely rejected the possibility of adopting any rules going beyond the framework of the Schengen provisions towards Kaliningrad. The debate that has sparked off around the issue of Kaliningrad is mostly based on a series of unfounded assumptions, which are commonly regarded as obvious. Undoubtedly they make the rational resolving of the enclave problem even more difficult. In this text the author has attempted to identify and straighten out these "mythical" elements of the discussion, and next to set a possible course of further action.

THE EASTERN EXTERNAL BORDER OF THE ENLARGED EUROPEAN UNION ― OPERATION AT THE NEW EASTERN BORDER OF THE EUROPEAN UNION ― RUSSIAN-SPEAKERS IN LATVIA AND ESTONIA

THE EASTERN EXTERNAL BORDER OF THE ENLARGED EUROPEAN UNION ― OPERATION AT THE NEW EASTERN BORDER OF THE EUROPEAN UNION ― RUSSIAN-SPEAKERS IN LATVIA AND ESTONIA

Author(s): Bartosz Cichocki,Rafał Sadowski,Joanna Hyndle,Miryna Kutysz / Language(s): English,Polish

THE EASTERN EXTERNAL BORDER OF THE ENLARGED EUROPEAN UNION (Wschodnia granica zewn´trzna rozszerzonej Unii Europejskiej) by Bartosz Cichocki | ― | CROSS-BORDER CO-OPERATION AT THE NEW EASTERN BORDER OF THE EUROPEAN UNION (Współpraca transgraniczna na nowej granicy wschodniej Unii Europejskiej) by Rafał Sadowski | ― | RUSSIAN-SPEAKERS IN LATVIA AND ESTONIA (Rosyjskojęzyczni na Łotwie i w Estonii) by Joanna Hyndle and Miryna Kutysz

The Ukrainian Independent Cultural Journal ”Ї“ — № 91/2018

Український незалежний культурологічний журнал «Ї» — № 91/2018

Author(s): Oksaiia Zayachkivska,Lesya Mateshuk-Vatceba,Volodymyr Semeniv,Lubov Gotsko-Ney,Zenovij Masnyj,Oksana Stadnyk / Language(s): English,Ukrainian

In order to make the thorough mendacity of Putin's rhetoric about "Ukraine as a State of Neo-Nazis" fully evident, CEEOL is offering the Ukrainian Jewish journal ”Ї“ as the strongest possible proof of a habit of "modern Ukrainian and world intellectual thought". The NGO "Ї", an independent cultural organization founded in the late 1980's in L'viv, focuses on modern Ukrainian and world intellectual thought. It offers periodic forums for discussion of issues concerning Ukraine and, among others, Europe, Russia, post-Byzantium, the Muslim Renaissance. It analyzes the current situation in order to develop future socio-political strategies. The organization also publishes "Ї", a quarterly journal dealing with European and Ukrainian issues in politics, philosophy, and culture. It also examines the relationship of Ukrainians with Russians, Poles, Austrians, and Jews and places Ukraine in a modern geopolitical sphere that can further Ukraine's identity as a modern state.

№187: A Strategic Partner of China or United States Accomplice? Poland in the View of Chinese Authorities and Experts

№187: Strategiczny partner Chin czy wspólnik USA? Polska w retoryce władz i środowisk eksperckich ChRL

Author(s): Marcin Przychodniak / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Poland; strategic partnership; USA; China; foreign policy;

Relations with Poland are not an important topic in the Chinese political debate. They become an element of the official narrative only in the wider context of China’s relations with the U.S. or the EU. The participants of the debate, including the authorities, declare their will to develop relations with Poland, but believe that the obstacle is primarily the country’s close relations with the United States. They believe that this state of affairs will continue under the presidency of Joe Biden, and thus the improvement of relations is not really possible. The current deterioration is, however, in the judgment of authorities and experts, not a big problem for China.

2020 Belarus: Belarus between EU imperialism and Russian occupation

2020 Belarus: Belarus between EU imperialism and Russian occupation

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English,Russian

Keywords: 2020; Belarus; EU; imperialism; Russian occupation; elections;

In the Republic of Belarus, presidential elections were held on 9 August 2020. The current President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko is the winner of the presidential elections at which he won 80.23% of the votes. The turnout at the elections was 84.23%. However, the opposition candidates expressed their discontent over the results of the elections. Particularly, Svetlana Tikhanovskaya, who won 10.09% of the votes. Immediately after the closing of the polling stations, citizens started the protests in order to express their discontent over the just held elections and the election results. The opposition went so far in its stances that it alleged that the opposition candidate Tikhanovskaya had won 80%, and Lukashenko only 10% of the votes. Analysts believe that while the just held elections were not ideal, had some shortcomings and could have been conducted in different atmosphere and conditions, an inverse election result is practically impossible bearing in mind the organization of Belarus, its political modus operandi and the sentiments of the electorate.

2020 Belarus: Wagnerization of Belarus

2020 Belarus: Wagnerization of Belarus

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English,Russian

Keywords: 2020; Belarus; Wagnerization; presidential elections;

In the Republic of Belarus, presidential elections are to take place on 9 August 2020. The elections will take place in a rather tense atmosphere. The developments in Belarus over the past years are a consequence of not just internal political relations in the country, but also significant foreign influence, which has been particularly prominent in the election year. Although the President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko is in the focus of current happenings, they are a result of much deeper and more complex developments than it may seem at a first glance. Particularly if one is looking at the developments in the country through the prism of relations between President Lukashenko and the opposition and the opposition presidential candidates.