Point of No Return? The Transformation of The Global Order After The Russian Invasion of Ukraine
Point of No Return? The Transformation of The Global Order After The Russian Invasion of Ukraine
Contributor(s): Marcin Terlikowski (Editor)
Subject(s): Politics, Supranational / Global Economy, Economic policy, International relations/trade, Security and defense, Military policy, EU-Accession / EU-DEvelopment, Globalization, Russian Aggression against Ukraine
Published by: PISM Polski Instytut Spraw Międzynarodowych
Keywords: Russia; Ukraine; Invasion; Global Order; Transformation; Changes;
Summary/Abstract: The day everything changed, a critical moment, a turning point in history - this is how many commentators have described the 24th of February 2022. The day of the massive Russian invasion of Ukraine became not only the nominal date of the beginning of a full-scale war but also symbolic of a fundamental change in the international order comparable to 1 September 1939, 9 November 1989, or 11 September 2001. But is it really the case that nothing will be the same in international relations after 24 February 2022? For many non-Europeans, the Russian-Ukrainian war remains a regional one, with limited consequences for other parts of the world. Some may add that these regions have also suffered from equally disastrous, if not more deadly conflicts in recent years. The Russian diplomats often point out that Moscow’s relations with some countries have not deteriorated as compared to the pre-war period, and are actually deepening and intensifying. To further complicate matters, some experts view the events of 24 February 2022 not as a singular turning point in history, but rather as the next stage of a war waged by Russia against Ukraine, or against the West, that had begun much earlier. It may also be possible to see this particular day as merely an element of a global polycrisis, a series of political, economic, health, humanitarian, climate, and social crises that are overlapping and mutually amplifying their negative impacts. This collection of short analyses from experts with the Polish Institute of International Affairs attempts to answer questions about the scope, nature, and significance of the changes in the international system that were triggered or amplified by Russia’s February 2022 invasion of Ukraine. Central to this approach is the distinction between the reaction of states and international organisations to the war and a change, understood as a profound and difficultto-reverse transformation of the conceptual framework of conducting policy, resulting in a significant and implemented (as opposed to announced) modification of foreign, security, economic or domestic policy. Documenting this change is the focus of the authors of this report. In some cases, the change was radical and almost revolutionary. Examples include the upending of the pre-February 2022 model of the European Union’s relationship with Russia in the energy sphere, as well as the decision by Sweden and Finland to join NATO. In most situations, however, the response to the latest Russian aggression fell within previously observed policy trends or plans, but with a significant acceleration and deepening. The rise of the Global South’s self-identification, China’s international self-positioning in opposition to the “collective West”, or the evolution of the Atlantic Alliance towards a forward defence posture can be seen as falling into this category. Similarly, it was not altogether surprising that Russia’s aggression has brought Ukraine and its European partners closer together, following on Kyiv’s stated political goal. In this case, it is tragic that this change was accelerated by the brutal Russian aggression. The war has also fundamentally changed Russia and its place in the international system. The process is far from finished. So far, neither the predictions that full international isolation of Russia would be possible, nor Vladimir Putin’s hope that victory over Ukraine would place Russia among the great powers co-shaping the global order in the 21st century, have come true. The authors’ adoption of this approach to and definition of change in international relations explains the special place of the United States in this review. Although the U.S. plays a key role in supporting Ukraine and mobilising the West, its response represents a continuation of the foreign and security policy strategy adopted before 24 February 2022, rather than a reshaping of it. Another challenge was the question of the permanence or irreversibility of decisions and processes initiated after 24 February 2022. Given the possibility of domestic changes (e.g., following elections in democratic states, but also changes in the power elite in Russia) or another radical transformation in international relations (e.g., following the use of nuclear weapons by Russia or North Korea), it is difficult to consider any process as fully irreversible. However, the authors of the individual chapters present arguments that, in each case, a political or structural critical mass has been exceeded, making the identified changes difficult to reverse. It is precisely our doubts about the sustainability and irreversibility of the German Zeitenwende that justify omitting it from this review. In the sphere of declarations, this is certainly a revolutionary change in German politics, but one year since the announcement, it remains only partially implemented and still appears to be controversial for significant parts of German public opinion and the political class. We hope that the analyses and projections contained in this collection of essays will provide a starting point for discussion and polemics. The ongoing war is likely to cause further changes and transformations in the international system. The contours of the “new world” that is emerging from the darkness of war are not entirely new, or completely unfamiliar. The 24th of February 2022 became not only a tragic date in Ukrainian and world history but also the beginning of a significant change in international relations. A better understanding of its nature can help us shape optimal strategies for states and international organisations to operate in the new circumstances.
Series: PISM Reports
- E-ISBN-13: 978-83-67487-24-5
- Page Count: 47
- Publication Year: 2023
- Language: English
RE-BUILDING EUROPEAN SECURITY: AGAINST RUSSIA, NOT WITH IT
RE-BUILDING EUROPEAN SECURITY: AGAINST RUSSIA, NOT WITH IT
(RE-BUILDING EUROPEAN SECURITY: AGAINST RUSSIA, NOT WITH IT)
- Author(s):Wojciech Lorenz
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Politics, International relations/trade, Security and defense
- Page Range:7-10
- No. of Pages:4
- Keywords:Russia; Europe; Security; Buidling;
- Summary/Abstract:By launching its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Russia wanted to destroy the European security architecture that ensured peace in Europe since the end of the Cold War. The consequences will be long-lasting and partially irreversible. Contrary to Vladimir Putin’s expectations, Russia will not rebuild its former position by destroying the current system nor will it achieve a sphere of influence. Instead, a new security system will be created that must ensure the ability to protect European nations from Russia’s aggressive policy and will be largely directed against it.
UNEXPECTED METAMORPHOSIS: EU EMBARKS ON AN AMBITIOUS POLICY IN ITS EASTERN NEIGHBOURHOOD
UNEXPECTED METAMORPHOSIS: EU EMBARKS ON AN AMBITIOUS POLICY IN ITS EASTERN NEIGHBOURHOOD
(UNEXPECTED METAMORPHOSIS: EU EMBARKS ON AN AMBITIOUS POLICY IN ITS EASTERN NEIGHBOURHOOD)
- Author(s):Elżbieta Kaca, Aleksandra KOZIOŁ
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Politics, Economic policy, International relations/trade, Security and defense, EU-Accession / EU-DEvelopment
- Page Range:11-15
- No. of Pages:5
- Keywords:EU; policy; East;
- Summary/Abstract:For many years, the EU’s policy towards its eastern neighbourhood lacked transformative potential. The main reason for this was the absence of an ambitious offer for the region, including the prospect of membership or support in military field. Deep divergences in the EU Member States’ perception of Eastern policy lay behind it. Many of them held the policy that, to maintain stability in Europe, Russia should be involved in cooperation at the political and economic levels while the Euro-Atlantic aspirations of neighbouring countries should be tempered. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 was a breakthrough in the EU’s Eastern policy. The new approach manifests itself in the withdrawal from cooperation with Russia in key sectors and the imposition of unprecedented sanctions aimed at maximising its costs of waging war, military support for Ukraine, as well as giving EU accession prospects for countries such as Moldova and Ukraine. In light of the criminal nature of the Russian aggression, the EU’s activity in the East will be a key element of its foreign policy for years to come.
NATO RETURNS TO FORWARD DEFENCE FROM RUSSIA
NATO RETURNS TO FORWARD DEFENCE FROM RUSSIA
(NATO RETURNS TO FORWARD DEFENCE FROM RUSSIA)
- Author(s):Artur Kacprzyk
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Politics, Security and defense, Military policy, Russian Aggression against Ukraine
- Page Range:16-19
- No. of Pages:4
- Keywords:Russia; war; conflict; NATO; defence; policy;
- Summary/Abstract:Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 sealed the return of collective defence as NATO’s main task. For two and half decades after the Cold War, NATO neglected capabilities for defence of its territory while focusing on smaller crisis-management operations beyond the Alliance’s borders and against much weaker opponents (including in Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Libya). It took the Russian attack against Ukraine in 2014 to prompt NATO to stop overall cuts to defence budgets and forces in Europe and enhance deterrence and defence against Russia. Actions taken since then have facilitated the Allies’ immediate response to the recent invasion of Ukraine in the form of a swift increase in the presence of air, land, and maritime forces in the eastern part of NATO. Decisions on the main ways to strengthen deterrence of Russia in the long term were then made at the NATO summit in Madrid in June 2022. The summit in Vilnius in mid-2023 will be devoted to their implementation.
GOODBYE RUSSIA! THE EMANCIPATION OF EUROPEAN ENERGY
GOODBYE RUSSIA! THE EMANCIPATION OF EUROPEAN ENERGY
(GOODBYE RUSSIA! THE EMANCIPATION OF EUROPEAN ENERGY)
- Author(s):Zuzanna Nowak
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Politics, Economic policy, Environmental and Energy policy, International relations/trade, Security and defense, Russian Aggression against Ukraine
- Page Range:20-23
- No. of Pages:4
- Keywords:Russia; Europe; Energy; Policy;
- Summary/Abstract:The energy crisis in the European Union did not start on 24 February 2022, nor is it over yet. However, the Russian invasion of Ukraine has already become a turning point in the history of European energy policy and the beginning of the EU’s emancipation from Russian influence in the energy market. There is no more room for “business as usual” with Russia. Moreover, this energy divorce is accompanied by a series of measures to strengthen the EU’s resilience against any external threats to the energy system.
THE NEW UKRAINE AND HOMO UCRAINENSIS
THE NEW UKRAINE AND HOMO UCRAINENSIS
(THE NEW UKRAINE AND HOMO UCRAINENSIS)
- Author(s):Maria Piechowska
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Politics, International relations/trade, Security and defense, Military policy, Politics and Identity, Russian Aggression against Ukraine
- Page Range:24-27
- No. of Pages:4
- Keywords:Ukraine; independence; war; foreign policy; relations;
- Summary/Abstract:In 2021, Ukraine celebrated the 30th anniversary of its independence. Exhibitions, concerts, commemorative meetings, and festivals were held throughout the country. Ukraine demonstrated independence, unity, and strength. The celebrations showed how Ukrainian identity, state, and society had evolved over 30 years. The point of reference was no longer Russia - and for many Ukrainians it used to be; its place taken by Europe. Ukrainians began to emphasise that they no longer wanted to live in a state belonging to the post-Soviet space, dominated by a gloomy and passive homo sovieticus; they wanted to belong, and perhaps even already belonged, to the Western world, with freedom, democracy, and human rights as their core values. The evolution has been gradual, but it is easy to identify the turning points - the Orange Revolution of 2004 and the Revolution of Dignity of 2013. The changes that were taking place triggered interference from Russia, which did not want to accept the Ukrainian turn towards the West. Ukraine’s 30th anniversary was marred by the war that had by then already been going on for seven years.
RUSSIA TURNS ITS BACK ON THE WEST
RUSSIA TURNS ITS BACK ON THE WEST
(RUSSIA TURNS ITS BACK ON THE WEST)
- Author(s):Agnieszka Legucka
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Politics, International relations/trade, Russian Aggression against Ukraine
- Page Range:28-31
- No. of Pages:4
- Keywords:Ukraine; Invasion; Russia; West; Policy;
- Summary/Abstract:With its invasion of Ukraine, Russia voluntarily took its place as Europe’s pariah. However, it had been moving in this direction consistently for years. Russia has regarded the West as a threat for a while, at least to the survival of the political system that Vladimir Putin was trying to build. The tightening of cooperation with selected EU countries, mainly in terms of trade in raw materials, and the coquettishness of the political and business elites of certain European states were calculated to play up the divisions in Europe so that Putinism would not be threatened by further colour revolutions. However, the example of Ukraine, whose society and political elites have gradually turned to the path of Euro-Atlantic integration, has become an existential threat to Putin, to which he has responded with a full-scale war. The invasion thus seals the choice for Russia, which will turn now to coalesce with authoritarian China while also seeking to maintain its international standing through closer relations with the countries of the Global South.
CHINA: END OF ILLUSIONS AND CONFRONTATION WITH THE WEST
CHINA: END OF ILLUSIONS AND CONFRONTATION WITH THE WEST
(CHINA: END OF ILLUSIONS AND CONFRONTATION WITH THE WEST)
- Author(s):Marcin Przychodniak
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Politics, Economic policy, International relations/trade, Security and defense, Russian Aggression against Ukraine
- Page Range:32-36
- No. of Pages:5
- Keywords:China; foreign policy; West; confrontations;
- Summary/Abstract:China’s reaction to the Russian invasion of Ukraine was closely followed by the political leaders of many countries, experts, and the general public. China’s disingenuous attitude of, on the one hand, calling for peace, while, on the other, supporting Russia economically and diplomatically, obscured the sealing of a breakthrough in Chinese foreign policy. After years of development based on closer economic cooperation with the West, China is turning inward and challenging the West to defend the rules-based international order, perceived by Chinese political elites as a threat to their power in the long term.
EMANCIPATION OF THE GLOBAL SOUTH
EMANCIPATION OF THE GLOBAL SOUTH
(EMANCIPATION OF THE GLOBAL SOUTH)
- Author(s):Patryk Kugiel
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Security and defense, Developing nations, Russian Aggression against Ukraine
- Page Range:37-40
- No. of Pages:4
- Keywords:developing countries; global south; Russian aggression; effects;
- Summary/Abstract:One of the most important and less noticed effects of the Russian aggression against Ukraine is the confirmation of the political emancipation of developing countries, the Global South. Many of these states have refused to take sides in the war or openly condemn Russia, seeing it as an opportunity to assert agency in international relations and accelerate changes in the global order. Although their attitude usually does not mean acceptance or support for Russian policy, it will in effect weaken Russia’s international isolation and the effectiveness of Western sanctions.
NO CHANGE? THE U.S. FOCUS ON CHINA AND AMERICAN POLICY ON RUSSIA
NO CHANGE? THE U.S. FOCUS ON CHINA AND AMERICAN POLICY ON RUSSIA
(NO CHANGE? THE U.S. FOCUS ON CHINA AND AMERICAN POLICY ON RUSSIA)
- Author(s):Marcin Terlikowski
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Politics, Economic policy, International relations/trade, Security and defense, Russian Aggression against Ukraine
- Page Range:41-44
- No. of Pages:4
- Keywords:USA; Russia; foreign policy; China; focus;
- Summary/Abstract:Just over a year before the Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine, in January 2021, it was the transition of power in the U.S. that was broadly seen as the most important change in world politics. The incoming president, Joe Biden, was expected to reverse Donald Trump’s policies on international security, trade, and climate change. Perhaps the greatest expectations were coming from Europe. It was hoped that Biden, unlike Trump, who questioned the U.S. commitment to NATO and the relevancy of the Alliance itself, would reaffirm America’s pledge to defend its European allies under Art. 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty and seek deepened transatlantic cooperation on key issues.
CONCLUSION
CONCLUSION
(CONCLUSION)
- Author(s):Author Not Specified
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Politics, International relations/trade, Globalization, Russian Aggression against Ukraine
- Page Range:45-45
- No. of Pages:1
- Keywords:Russia; Invasion; Ukraine; Global Order; Conclusion;
- Summary/Abstract:The Russian invasion of Ukraine should indeed be considered a transformative moment for the international order, as the authors of essays collected in this report demonstrate. The war has brought fundamental changes to NATO and the EU, set out new perspectives on Russia and Ukraine, transformed thinking about Europe’s future security architecture and energy policy, and sealed the changes that have been taking place for some time in the policies of China and the countries of the Global South. If we reject extremely unlikely scenarios, which might change the course of the war (like the use of nuclear weapons by Russia), the new international order that will emerge when the guns go silent in Ukraine will, however, involve a significant element of continuity: some well-established strategic concepts and assumptions will continue to inform the policies of key actors. The United States will continue to consider China, not Russia, as its most dangerous strategic rival and the one international actor that can undermine America’s global position in the long run. Germany, if it ever delivers on its historic foreign policy shift, will not abandon one of the foundational stones of its strategic culture, which is to limit the risk of confrontation with Russia. Meanwhile, Russia will continue to be a fairly attractive partner for a relatively large group of countries in the Global South willing to cooperate with Moscow and indifferent to Western calls regarding sanctions or containing Russian disinformation and propaganda.