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Serbs and War in Yugoslavia 1941 Cover Image
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Срби и рат у Југославији 1941. године
Serbs and War in Yugoslavia 1941

Contributor(s): Dragan Aleksić (Editor), Dušan Bajagić (Editor), Katrin Boeckh (Editor), Sofija Božić (Editor), Zoran Janjetović (Editor), Kosta Nikolić (Editor), Mira Radojević (Editor), Konstantin V. Nikiforov (Editor), Voin Bojinov (Editor), Jan Pelikán (Editor), Christian Kurzydlowski (Editor), Zoran Janjetović (Translator), Aleksandar Stojanović (Translator), Aleksej J. Timofejev (Translator)
Subject(s): Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, History, Social Sciences, Civil Society, Sociology, Military history, Political history, Recent History (1900 till today), Special Historiographies:, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), History of Communism, Fascism, Nazism and WW II, Sociology of Politics, Peace and Conflict Studies
Published by: Institut za noviju istoriju Srbije
Keywords: Yugoslavia; Second World War; ideology; ideological influence; politics; diplomatic relations; international relations; USSR; Germany; Bulgaria; Serbia; Italy; revolution; April 1941; April war; civil society; army; military history;
Summary/Abstract: Почетак Другог светског рата у Југославији обележили су брзи војни слом, комадање југословенске територије и грађански рат који је отпочео на простору Србије. Све то било је последица како непријатељске агресије тако и бројних политичких, социјалних и економских противречности нагомиланих у међуратном раздобљу југословенске државе. Југославија је између два светска рата била земља великих социјалних разлике, привредне неинтегрисаности и културолошких различитости, што је, нарочито после Велике економске кризе, избацило на површину радикалне покрете и на левици и на десници који су у својим програмима нудили привлачна социјална мерила. Југословенска државна идеја, идеја националног јединства, у коју се посумњало убрзо по формирању заједничке државе, дефинитивно је званично напуштена стварањем Бановине Хрватске. Међутим, на плану међунационалних односа, стварање Бановине Хрватске не само да није смирило хрватско-српске супротности, нити задовољило национално-политичке тежње Хрвата и учврстило нестабилне државне темеље него је допринело јачању раздора, изазвало незадовољство Срба и подстакло потребу за преиспитивањем југословенске државне идеје. Стога је у овом периоду, из угла национално-политичких потреба српске нације, једно од најтежих питања националне политике чинила дилема за или против Југославије. [...]

  • Print-ISBN-13: 978-86-7005-114-0
  • Page Count: 633
  • Publication Year: 2014
  • Language: English, Croatian, Russian, German, Serbian
Политичка мисао Владимира Велмар-Јанковића

Политичка мисао Владимира Велмар-Јанковића
(Vladimir Velmar-Janković’s Political Thought)

  • Author(s):Aleksandar Stojanović
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Epistemology, Political Philosophy, History of ideas, Political history, Contemporary Philosophy
  • Page Range:19-32
  • No. of Pages:14
  • Keywords:Velmar-Janković; ideology; political right-wing; Serbia; Yugoslavia; nationalism; culture; civilization; racism; xenophobia; occupation; collaboration;
  • Summary/Abstract:Vladimir Velmar-Janković was one of the most striking persons of Serbian and Yugoslav political right-wing, an ideologist in whose political thought many stands of radical right-wing ideology could be seen, but with many original elements. Although politically active during the whole interwar period, Velmar-Janković was left short of political and social functions of greater value, which, combined with a row of personal conflicts, created strong frustration that will influence his later entering in collaboration. His ideology in 1918–1944 was based on critic of cultural politic of Kingdom of Yugoslavia, critic of foreign cultural and civilization influences and mythologized vision of Serbian history, while his text were full of xenophobic and racial elements. Velmar-Janković’s role in collaboration government during the WWII was mostly established in most recent researches of Serbian historiography; however, the root of his extraordinary influence on creation of cultural politics of Nedić’s government still hasn’t been determined. Many indirect evidences points to him being an associate of Nazi security organizations, but it is still not sure whether he was a denunciator and Gestapo’s associate or not. It is absolutely certain that Velmar-Janković was a person of the greatest influence in culture, education and science during the occupation, and that he misused this power for personal promotion and fights with his old enemies. His life in emigration, after spectacular escape from the country in conditions that are still unknown, is still an enigma for Serbian historiography.
  • Price: 4.50 €
The Early Ideological Influences of Dimitrije Ljotić: The Makings of a Fascist and Traitor?

The Early Ideological Influences of Dimitrije Ljotić: The Makings of a Fascist and Traitor?
(The Early Ideological Influences of Dimitrije Ljotić: The Makings of a Fascist and Traitor?)

  • Author(s):Christian Kurzydlowski
  • Language:English
  • Subject(s):Political Philosophy, History of ideas, Political history, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949)
  • Page Range:33-56
  • No. of Pages:24
  • Keywords:Dimitrije Ljotić; Zbor; ideology; collaboration;
  • Summary/Abstract:This article is an attempt at tracing the early ideological influences of Dimitrije Ljotić, founder and leader of the ZBOR party (1935–1940), and a leading ideologue of the collaborationist Government of National Salvation (1941–1944) under General Milan Nedić. This article will highlight the complexity and heterogeneity not only of Ljotić’s formative personal ideological development, but also the ideological precursors of his ideological synthesis in a wider European context.
  • Price: 5.00 €
Slovenija u predvečerje Drugog svetskog rata

Slovenija u predvečerje Drugog svetskog rata
(Slovenia on the Eve of WWII)

  • Author(s):Božo Repe
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):History of ideas, Political history, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Peace and Conflict Studies
  • Page Range:57-71
  • No. of Pages:15
  • Keywords:autonomy; banovina; unitarism; centralism; The Popular Front; Cvetković–Maček agreement; corporatism; ideological struggle; Anschluss; Tripartite agreement;
  • Summary/Abstract:Ideological and political split in Slovenia escalated during the second half of 1930s. Traditional political formations started falling to pieces. Bourgeois parties, including the Slovenian People’s Party lost political clout in late 1930s. They were not able to find the answers to the crisis and the war in Europe. Most Slovenian politicians believed in preservation of Yugoslavia but they looked in vain for an alternative solution in case of occupation. Eventually, this would lead them either to collaboration or to emigration. As an opposition to the defeatist policy of the bourgeois camp, a new political block under the leadership of the Communist Party emerged.
  • Price: 4.50 €
В. И. Лебедев: Штрихи биографии. Об угрозе СССР с запада и востока

В. И. Лебедев: Штрихи биографии. Об угрозе СССР с запада и востока
(V. I. Lebedev: Excerpts from Biography. On the Threat of the USSR from the West and East)

  • Author(s):Vladimir Alekseevich Tesemnikov
  • Language:Russian
  • Subject(s):History of ideas, Political history, International relations/trade, Security and defense, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949)
  • Page Range:73-86
  • No. of Pages:14
  • Keywords:Lebedev; Mahin; Hitler; anti-fascism; Russian emigration in Yugoslavia;
  • Summary/Abstract:У раду се сагледавају антифашистички ставови дела руске емиграције у Југославији уочи Другог светског рата. Истраживање се базира на анализи чланака Руског архива, часописа који је на српском језику издавао Научни институт београдског одељења Земгора. У часопису су били штампани бројни радови који су аргументовано наговештавали очигледну претњу СССР-у од нацистичке Немачке и Јапана. Званични представник београдског одељења Земгора је био Ф. Е. Махин. Подједнако важну улогу у тој организацији имао је и В. И. Лебедев, чији животни пут није био ништа мање противречан и неизвестан од живота његовог колеге и партијског друга Махина. Обојица у почетком 20. века припадали истој партији – Партији социјалиста - револуционара.
  • Price: 4.50 €
Делег итимация правящего режима в Королевстве Югославия как внутриполитическая предпосылка революции (1930-е – начало 1940-х гг .).

Делег итимация правящего режима в Королевстве Югославия как внутриполитическая предпосылка революции (1930-е – начало 1940-х гг .).
(Delegitimization of the Ruling Regime in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia as a Prerequisite for the Revolution (from the 30s to the beginning of the 40s))

  • Author(s):Aleksandar Aleksandrovich Silkin
  • Language:Russian
  • Subject(s):Civil Society, History of ideas, Political history, Government/Political systems, Interwar Period (1920 - 1939), WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Sociology of Politics
  • Page Range:87-101
  • No. of Pages:15
  • Keywords:Serbia; dictatorship; regent; world and civil war; external factor;
  • Summary/Abstract:Догађаји у Србији 1941–45. године – окупација, грађански рат и „револуција”, ослобођење и установљење нове комунистичке власти – у значајној мери су били одређени садејством многих спољних фактора. Унутрашње претпоставке за смену ауторитарног монархистичког режима тоталитарним комунистичким биле су у постепеном слабљењу положаја владајуће елите. У условима кризе шестојануарске диктатуре једини фактор стабилности постао је ауторитет краљаслободиоца-ујединитеља. До октобра 1934. он је успевао да угуши центрифугалне тенденције и гарантује целовитост државе. Даљи ток догађаја потврдио је оштроумност опажања савременика: „Ако је икада и постојао пример да нераскидивост ланца зависи од једног јединог звука, то је онда случај Југославије и њеног краља”. Крајем 30-их и почетком 40-их слабост регентства – које је зависило од присталица „племенског” партикуларизма, који је био лишен подршке оних који су били за јачање централне власти – унапред је одредила незаштићеност српских интереса. Као резултат тога, у ситуацији приближавања рата, делегитимација традиционалне политичке класе пружила је у Србији, као и у Русији 1917, добру подлогу за уздизање некада малобројних и маргиналних партија чије су пароле биле „општа једнакост”, „правда и прерасподела”, „интернационална солидардност”, „борба са антинародним режимом” и др.
  • Price: 4.50 €
Миграције становништва Војводине уочи и почетком Другог светског рата

Миграције становништва Војводине уочи и почетком Другог светског рата
(Migration of Population in Vojvodina Shortly Before World War II)

  • Author(s):Željko Bjeljac, Marija Drobnjaković, Milan Radovanović
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Civil Society, Social history, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Migration Studies, Sociology of Politics, Peace and Conflict Studies
  • Page Range:103-118
  • No. of Pages:16
  • Keywords:Vojvodina; migrations; colonization; WWII; 1941;
  • Summary/Abstract:Subject of research work related to reconstruction activities in migration processes on demographic development in the territory of Vojvodina, which is traditionally the immigration area and a region with highly heterogeneous ethnic composition of the population. The time period that is treated refers to the end of the 30’s and 1941, including the results of colonization between the two world wars, 1919–1931. Results of the census of 1921 аnd 1931 indicate a population increase in compensating the period after World War II. This period is characterized by planning and settlement of population in relation to agrarian reform started in the 1919. The cause of this immigration was the peace treaty between the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and Hungary entered into Trijanonu 1920. According to estimates of the number of colonists to the area of today’s Vojvodina in the period of 1919–1929 inhabited 20,000 families (100,000 colonists). At the beginning of the Second World War Vojvodina was divided into three administrative-territorial totality: Backa was attached to Hungary, Srem was annexed by so-called Independent State of Croatia, Banat was under the direct administration of German military. Based on the memorandum of the Hungarian government in April 1941 on the most important tasks to be solved in the re-conquered the southern end, terminating the agrarian reform carried out in Backa and the land becomes the property of the Hungarian state, including the expulsion of Serbian population populated since 1919–1930 in Serbia and concentration camps Sharvar, Nagykanjiza and Barcs. (expelled around 56,000 people and over 10,000 Sebian colonists and the Jews were taken to camps). In the villages from which they were expelled Serbs occupied the 15,593 Hungarians from Bukovina and Transylvania, and 1681 from Bosnia. From Srem is in 1941 to Serbia expelled about 50,000 Serbs. According Poll Committee of the Assembly of AP Vojvodina, ,,Truth about events in Vojvodina during the 1941–1948“ has killed 70,890 people as civil victims (42,106 victims of Serbian nationality, or 59.40%). On 1941, was 7,813 civilian victims of war and Serbian victims of the prevailing (4,832) and Jewish ethnicity (2,274).
  • Price: 4.50 €
Младен Жујовић о рату у Европи 1939–1940.

Младен Жујовић о рату у Европи 1939–1940.
(Mladen Žujović on the War in Europe 1939–1940)

  • Author(s):Aleksandar Lukić
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Military history, Political history, International relations/trade, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Peace and Conflict Studies
  • Page Range:119-138
  • No. of Pages:20
  • Keywords:World War Two; The Republicans; strategy; tactics; economy; propaganda; Serbian Cultural Club; Serbian Voice; Српски глас;
  • Summary/Abstract:The start of the war in Europe in 1939 by the main proponent of the revision of the Versailles peace settlement, Germany, influenced also the Kingdom of Yugoslavia who was one of the mainstays of that settlement in South-East Europe during the inter-war period. Although they had proclaimed their neutrality, the Yugoslavs keenly watched the war events in Europe until the war engulfed them too in April 1941. Mladen Žujović also reported on the war in Europe in the magazine of the Serbian Cultural Club, the Serbian Voice, watching attentively the development of military operations in Europe, the economy and propaganda of the conflicting parties with his sympathies obviously on the side of the Western allies, France and Great Britain. His reporting ended in June 1940 when the Serbian Voice was suppressed by the censorship due to the paper’s increasingly severe criticism of Yugoslav foreign and domestic policy.
  • Price: 5.00 €
Советская политика в отношении Югославии перед апрельской катастрофой 1941 г.

Советская политика в отношении Югославии перед апрельской катастрофой 1941 г.
(Soviet Policy Towards Yugoslavia Before the April 1941 Catastrophe)

  • Author(s):Leonid Gibianskij
  • Language:Russian
  • Subject(s):Diplomatic history, Military history, Political history, International relations/trade, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949)
  • Page Range:141-163
  • No. of Pages:23
  • Keywords:USSR; Soviet politics; foreign policy; Yugoslavia; April 1941;
  • Summary/Abstract:Какви год да су били прорачуни Стаљина приликом закључивања совјетско-југословенског договора, они су се показали нереалним, што је ускоро показала, у тим раним часовима, 6. априла 1941. Хитлеровска агресија на Југославију. Став који је Москва заузела после тога, када је напад на Југославију постао известан, био је противречан. Са једне стране, главне совјетске новине изашле су 6. априла са насловима о првим информацијама о потписивању совјетско-југословенског споразума, а следећег дана – са чланцима о том догађају. Ујутру 6. априла, у совјетском генералштабу, вођени су разговори са Симићем и постигнути конкретни договори о слању наоружања и војне технике за југословенску војску, чија је припрема за пребацивање у Југославију одмах почела. Са друге стране, према сведочењу Новикова, тог јутра, 6. априла, Стаљин је одлучио да откаже званични дипломатски пријем, који је договорен за то вече, у случају закључења совјетско-југословенског споразума, сматрајући да новонастала ситуација захтева свестрану обазривост, како се не би још више компликовали, и без тога напети, совјетско-немачки односи. Нису уследили никакви јавни совјетски демарши са осудом нацистичке агресије или са изражавањем подршке Југославији. Само је, као одговор на вест мађарског амбасадора у Москви о прикључивању Мађарске нападу на Југославију, Вишински изјавио да совјетска влада то не може одобрити.
  • Price: 5.00 €
Keineswegs Desinteressiert. Die Pläne NS-Deutschlands mit Jugoslawien 1940/41

Keineswegs Desinteressiert. Die Pläne NS-Deutschlands mit Jugoslawien 1940/41
(Not Uninterested at All. The Plans of Nazi Germany with Yugoslavia 1940/41)

  • Author(s):Katrin Boeckh
  • Language:German
  • Subject(s):Political history, International relations/trade, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Fascism, Nazism and WW II, Peace and Conflict Studies
  • Page Range:165-187
  • No. of Pages:23
  • Keywords:Yugoslavia; Germany; National Socialism; Plan; World War II;
  • Summary/Abstract:Der deutsche Feldzug gegen Jugoslawien im April 1941 steht nicht nur in engstem Zusammenhang mit der Invasion in Griechenland, sondern auch mit dem sich anschließenden Angriff auf die Sowjetunion. Mit diesem schlug der NSWahn der Herrschaft über den europäischen Kontinent in einer neuen Qualität eines Krieges durch, der propagandistisch als Kampf zweier Weltanschauungen begründet und mit aller Brutalität eines rassenideologischen Vernichtungskrieges geführt wurde. Damit sitzt der Aprilkrieg zeitlich wie auch bezüglich der Art seiner Durchführung an einer Nahtstelle der Vorgänge des Zweiten Weltkrieges.
  • Price: 5.00 €
Bulgaria and Yugoslavia on the Eve of the April War

Bulgaria and Yugoslavia on the Eve of the April War
(Bulgaria and Yugoslavia on the Eve of the April War)

  • Author(s):Voin Bojinov
  • Language:English
  • Subject(s):Diplomatic history, Political history, International relations/trade, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949)
  • Page Range:189-194
  • No. of Pages:6
  • Keywords:Balkan Pact; Belgrade; Bulgaria; directive № 19; Kyoseivanov; Prince Paul; Sofia; Stojadinović; Tsar Boris ІІІ; Yugoslavia;
  • Summary/Abstract:The article examines the Bulgarian-Yugoslavian relations in times when the political layers on the Balkans are seriously shifted. Under the pressure of Nazi Germany the Versailles peace system collapses everywhere in Europe. On the Balkans the countries in the region try to defend their interests, maneuvering between the demands of the major European Powers.
  • Price: 4.50 €
Američka diplomacija i Kraljevina Jugoslavija uoči i nakon Travanjskoga rata

Američka diplomacija i Kraljevina Jugoslavija uoči i nakon Travanjskoga rata
(American Diplomacy and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia on the Eve of and during the April War)

  • Author(s):Mario Jareb
  • Language:Croatian
  • Subject(s):Diplomatic history, Political history, International relations/trade, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949)
  • Page Range:195-230
  • No. of Pages:36
  • Keywords:USA; Kingdom of Yugoslavia; April war; Independent State of Croatia (NDH/ISC); Tripartite agreement; diplomacy;
  • Summary/Abstract:The paper gives the survey of the archival sources and literature relevant for the subject. The author describes the American policy towards Yugoslavia in 1940 and particularly in the first months of 1941. It was passive and confined to observing the situation in 1940, but as the pressure of the Third Reich on Yugoslavia increased in 1941 it became increasingly active. The American envoy William J. Donovan and the ambassador Lane tried to convince the leading Yugoslav politicians not to join the Tripartite Pact, but their efforts were in vain since USA could not offer any real aid. The author describes how ambassador Lane saw the bombardment and occupation of Belgrade. In the final part of the paper the author deals with the closing-down of the American Embassy in Belgrade and the Consulate in Zagreb in summer 1941.
  • Price: 6.00 €
Комунистичка партија Југославије и догађаји од 27. марта 1941.

Комунистичка партија Југославије и догађаји од 27. марта 1941.
(The Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the Events of March 27th, 1941)

  • Author(s):Aleksandar V. Miletić
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Political history, International relations/trade, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), History of Communism, Peace and Conflict Studies
  • Page Range:231-247
  • No. of Pages:17
  • Keywords:Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY); March 27th; Yugoslavia; USSR; Tripartite agreement; Comintern; war; demonstrations;
  • Summary/Abstract:The Communist Party of Yugoslavia received the Ribbentrop–Molotov pact with surprise and certain confusion. However, as the disciplined section of the Commintern, the CPY consistently defended the policy of the USSR as the policy of peace, attacking Britain and France as “imperialist” powers who had attacked another “imperialist” power, i.e. Germany. For the Yugoslav communists, it was the “second imperialist war” between capitalist nations, whereas the USSR and Yugoslavia should remain outside of that conflict. The CPY admonished the citizenry and criticized the Yugoslav government for “pro-Western and fawning” policy, warning against “imperialist” agents who wanted to drag the country into the war and consequently championed the policy of relying on the USSR. Yugoslavia’s accession to the Tripartite Pact was criticized by the CPY, but the Party took no part in the coup of March 27th. However, communist members and sympathizers took part in the protests partly spontaneously and partly in an organized way. This spurred the Commintern’s reaction and calming down of the situation. Later on, both in historiography and in official political versions, different views of the events occurred.
  • Price: 4.50 €
Учешће Мађарске у распарчавању Југославије 1941.

Учешће Мађарске у распарчавању Југославије 1941.
(Hungary’s Participation in Dismemberment of Yugoslavia 1941)

  • Author(s):Arpad Hornjak
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Political history, International relations/trade, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Geopolitics, Peace and Conflict Studies
  • Page Range:251-268
  • No. of Pages:18
  • Keywords:dismemberment of Yugoslavia; Kingdom of Hungary 1941;
  • Summary/Abstract:Throughout the inter-war period Hungary was dissatisfied with her borders, including the one with Yugoslavia. Therefore her policy was aimed at loosening the Little Entente whose member Yugoslavia was. Among other things, Hungary used the large Hungarian national minority in Yugoslavia for her revisionist goals. During the late 1930s Hungary’s revisionist ambitions were aimed chiefly against Romania and she was relying on Italy. When WWII broke out, Hungary strove to remain neutral, saving forces for the propitious moment. She used Soviet pressure on Romania in summer 1940 to extort part of Transylvania with German backing. However, the price were concessions to the Third Reich – joining the Tripartite Pact on November 20, 1940 being the biggest. However, in order not to be completely cut off from Great Britain, Hungary sought rapprochement with Yugoslavia. This was encouraged also by the Axis powers. This coincided with their increased pressure on Yugoslavia to joint the Tripartite Pact, which she eventually did on march 25, 1941. However, two days later the government that had signed the Pact was overthrown and Hitler decided to destroy the unreliable ally. Hungary was invited to take part in the attack and have a share of the spoils. Hungarian prime-minister Pal Teleki who opposed that because he didn’t want to sever all ties with Great Britain, committed suicide and Hungary joined in the German-Italian-Bulgarian aggression. The author deems this the logical consequence of two decades long Hungarian revisionist aspirations. As opposed to most Hungarian historians, he is of the opinion that Hungary entered WWII on the day she attacked Yugoslavia, and not on June 22, 1941 when she joined in the attack on the USSR.
  • Price: 4.50 €
Балканске политичке прилике и априлски слом Вардарске бановине

Балканске политичке прилике и априлски слом Вардарске бановине
(Political Situation in the Balkans and the April Breakdown of Vardarska Banovina)

  • Author(s):Vladan Z. Jovanović
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Military history, Political history, International relations/trade, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Peace and Conflict Studies
  • Page Range:269-290
  • No. of Pages:22
  • Keywords:The Balkans; Vardarska Banovina; Macedonia; Kosovo; April war;
  • Summary/Abstract:Despite the Yugoslav-Bulgarian Pact of Eternal Friendship (1937), bilateral relations have endured conservative solutions. Therefore, both Macedonian question and the revision of the Yugoslav-Bulgarian state border were reopened again, while Yugoslav-Italian relations had been still stuck in Albania. Consequently, after the Italian army annexed Albania in 1939, Yugoslavia became surrounded by hostile regimes. Italian attack on Greece, in October 1940, threatened to undermine Thessaloniki, the only Yugoslav connection with the free world. Yugoslavia started to supply Greece with arms and foods, which made Macedonian cities undefended targets of retribution. As the war approached the borders of Yugoslavia, separatist movements in Bulgaria and Albania revived, including the „resurrection“ of IMRO, which facilitated the rapid German-Bulgarian invasion of Macedonia, as well as the fall of Belgrade.
  • Price: 5.00 €
Југословенски Банат 1941. године

Југословенски Банат 1941. године
(The Yugoslav Banat 1941)

  • Author(s):Zoran Janjetović
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Civil Society, Military history, Political history, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Peace and Conflict Studies
  • Page Range:291-317
  • No. of Pages:27
  • Keywords:the Banat; occupation; Volksdeutsche; Hungarians; Germans; resistance movement; Jews;
  • Summary/Abstract:The Banat was a historical province with mixed population of the Serbs, Germans, Hungarians, Romanians, Slovaks and others. It was divided between Yugoslavia, Romania and Hungary in 1918. The reasons that made its division difficult persisted until 1941 and made the situation more complicated. The German minority that fell under Nazi influence during the 1930s sided with Germany on occasion of the attack of Axis powers in April 1941. Its para-military groups aided the aggressors. The stance of the Hungarians was similar. Hitler promised the Banat to Hungary but it remained part of the occupied Serbia because of Romania’s protests. The power in the province was in the hands of the Volksdeutsche who secured the privileged status. The Hungarians couldn’t influence the government much, and other nationalities even less. The main losers in the new situation were the Jews who were subject to various forms of maltreatement until August 1941 when they were shipped off to Belgrade. There they were gradually killed off by spring 1942, whereas their property was taken over by the Germans and to a smaller extent by the Hungarians. The Serbs were also discriminated against. Their revolt was led by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, but due to its numerical weakness, unpreparedeness and lack of experience the actions of the resistance movement couldn’t cause much damage to the occupiers. By fall 1941 it was all but wiped out.
  • Price: 5.00 €
Мисија Едмунда Фезенмајера у Србији 1941. године

Мисија Едмунда Фезенмајера у Србији 1941. године
(The Mission of Edmund Veesenmeyer in Serbia in 1941)

  • Author(s):Dragan Aleksić
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Military history, Political history, International relations/trade, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Peace and Conflict Studies
  • Page Range:319-353
  • No. of Pages:35
  • Keywords:occupation; Special envoy; collaborationist administration; diplomacy; plenipotentiary; mission;
  • Summary/Abstract:This paper is an attempt at analyzing the methods the Reich’s leadership employed in solving acute problems in Serbia, and at the same time at presenting the role of certain factors within the occupying apparatus. The research is imbedded in a broader context of the situation in the occupied Serbia – the uprising, defeatism of the Council of Commissioners – the first native administration under occupation, discord among the occupying institutions as how to crush the armed resistance and varying views in various institutions of the Nazi state administration on the role and future competences of the future Serbian administration in crushing the uprising. Furthermore the analysis of activities of various German occupying institutions in Serbia on occasion of the selection of the new administration show the way the occupying system functioned. The main question discussed in the paper is the way in which the German Foreign Ministry through its affiliation in Serbia fulfilled its diplomatic and political tasks of vital importance for the Reich. The mission of Edmund Veesenmeyer in Serbia, the special envoy of the Reich’s foreign minister who had made his name in numerous audacious and very important diplomatic missions, differed here in goals and ways of proceeding from his previous tasks. His presence in Serbia was presented through the attempts of the Reich’s Foreign Ministry to shift the burden of quelling the uprising in Serbia to the native administration and to obtain the approval for this at the top from Hitler himself, since the military favored the use of brutal force and severe reprisals.
  • Price: 6.00 €
Српско-албански односи у Косовском округу 1941. године у контексту немачко-италијанских интереса

Српско-албански односи у Косовском округу 1941. године у контексту немачко-италијанских интереса
(The Serbian-Albanian Relations in the Kosovo District in 1941 in the Context of German-Italian Interests)

  • Author(s):Nenad Antonijević
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Military history, Political history, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Geopolitics, Peace and Conflict Studies
  • Page Range:355-373
  • No. of Pages:19
  • Keywords:WWII; occupation; Kosovska Mitrovica; the Kosovo District;
  • Summary/Abstract:The paper presents the main facts about the occupation of a part of Kosovo (the Kosovo District) by the Germans and the situation on that territory in the second half of 1941. The focus is on the as detailed as possible description of the situation on the spot with special regard to conflicting German-Italian political, military and economic interests, as well as to the relation of the Germans and the Italians to the Albanian national minority (strong collaboration of the Albanians with the occupiers of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia wit the goal of forming Albanian Kosovo within the framework of Greater Albania – the final goal of the Albanian ideological program). The situation on the spot in this period showed that these tendencies of the Albanian collaborators of the German and Italian occupation forces could not be realized without elimination of the Orthodox Serbian population through application of various means and methods (destruction of property, pressure, threats, abductions, expulsion, individual and mass terror and murders).
  • Price: 4.50 €
Идеолошка основа злочина Независне Државе Хрватске 1941.

Идеолошка основа злочина Независне Државе Хрватске 1941.
(The Ideological Basis of Crimes of the Independent State of Croatia in 1941)

  • Author(s):Jovan Mirković
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Civil Society, History of ideas, Criminology, Victimology, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Fascism, Nazism and WW II, Peace and Conflict Studies
  • Page Range:375-390
  • No. of Pages:16
  • Keywords:Independent State of Croatia (NDH/ISC); ideology of Ustasha; Genocide; crimes in direct terror; crimes in the state institutions;
  • Summary/Abstract:The newly-proclaimed Croatian state in April 1941 was based on the ideology of the Ustasha movement that was founded on racist and extremely nationalist policy with the aim of creating a “purely Croatian living-space” that would make possible the existence of the “pure Croatian nation”. The precondition for such tendencies was physical extermination of the Serbs and the Jews who were declared the “greatest enemies of the Croatian people” for whom “there was no place in Croatia”. They were joined by the Gypsies, as a non-Aryan inferior race. In order to achieve these goals “internal purification” was also needed, i.e. it was also necessary to destroy all those Croat and Muslim elements designated as traitors due to their “un-Croatian behavior” who were perceived as “a blemish on the body of the pure Croatian nation”. The reaction to the entry of German troops into Zagreb and the enthusiastic greeting with which they met, show that at the time of the aggression of the Fascist powers on Yugoslavia the ideology of the Ustasha movement was in keeping with prevailing ideological and religious attitude of large part of the Croatian people. The goals, the way of organizing and performing the activities of the Ustasha organization prove its terrorist character. Crimes against the Serbian population (as the factor of disturbance) and against the Jews and the Gypsies (as non-Aryans) were committed not because these weren’t loyal to the new government and because of the stability of the new state, but because of the ideological bases on which that state was build. This was shown by public statements and the propaganda activities of the exponents of this ideology (the Ustasha) and by the government through legislation, as well as by actions of all state organs – the police, the military, the judiciary, the administration – primarily through physical destruction of groups or through creation of conditions condemning a group to biological destruction. This is particularly visible from the analysis of the chronology of crimes committed during the first days of the existence of the ISC, that is in a period when there was no organized resistance as well as by the analysis of statistical data of the name-census of the war victims that has been revised so far. From the analysis of the statistical data and categories of the name census of the victims it is evident that the Independent State of Croatia ever since its proclamation and throughout the war committed systematic crime of genocide with the intention of destroying some ethnic, national and religious groups – Orthodox Serbs, the Jews and the Gypsies – which is particularly visible in the analysis of the 1941 data. Genocidal character of the crimes during the first days of the ISC’s existence can be observed on examples of mass liquidations in which political or military capability of a group to oppose the regime played no role whatsoever. On the contrary, mass liquidations of the whole population took place – of men, women, children and the aged. Exactly the analysis of the manifest intent and actions in 1941 show that the crime , the most severe form of crimes against humanity – the genocide (as defined afterwards) was in-built in the very foundations of the newly-founded state and its ideological basis.
  • Price: 4.50 €
Совјетски утицај на почетак борбе против окупатора и избијање грађанског рата у Југославији 1941.

Совјетски утицај на почетак борбе против окупатора и избијање грађанског рата у Југославији 1941.
(Soviet Influence on the Beginning of the Struggle Against the Occupiers and the Outbreak of the Civil War in Yugoslavia in 1941)

  • Author(s):Aleksej J. Timofejev
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Civil Society, Political history, International relations/trade, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Peace and Conflict Studies
  • Page Range:391-410
  • No. of Pages:20
  • Keywords:Second World War; Comintern; Yugoslavia; USSR; Soviet-Yugoslav relations; Partisan war; uprising in 1941;
  • Summary/Abstract:У раду је на основу адекватне архивске грађе урађен покушај реконструкције улоге ИК КИ и совјетских обавештајних служби у избијању устанка у Србији 1941.
  • Price: 5.00 €
Између мита и истине: масовна одмазда у Краљеву, октобра 1941.

Између мита и истине: масовна одмазда у Краљеву, октобра 1941.
(Between Myth and Reality: Mass Retaliations in Kraljevo in October 1941)

  • Author(s):Silvija Krejaković
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Civil Society, Local History / Microhistory, Military history, Criminology, Victimology, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Peace and Conflict Studies
  • Page Range:411-436
  • No. of Pages:26
  • Keywords:Kraljevo; Wehrmacht; siege; civilians; massive retaliation;
  • Summary/Abstract:One of the worst war-crimes committed by the Wehrmacht troops against civilians in the territory of Serbia was the mass retaliation in Kraljevo in October 1941. Authentic, original historical sources (among which temporally closest to the event are: the name lists made by factory and communal administrations on order of the District head on March 24, 1942; lists of the Refugee Commissariat; evidence of the survivors and contemporaries; personal and family memorabilia, documents of the State Commission for Establishing the Crimes of the Occupiers) are kept at local and central institutions. Historical sources as fragments of the past offer a complete picture of the causes of the shooting, forged ideologically by the order of the supreme German command and applied according to the proportions of the Nazi value system in which one German life in Serbia was worth 100 Serbian lives because of the losses the 717 Division of the Wehrmacht suffered from the Partizan-Chetnik attacks; of the consequences of the shooting as each individual victim was reflected on the suffering of his or her family, of the large number of war orphans, of devastated economy… The real picture of the tragedy based on exact historical data was lost among a spate of mythologized views. The date of the shooting – that according to the primary sources and memories of the contemporaries and the survivors, lasted from October 15 to 20, 1941 – was identified with October 14, the day of commemoration. The ideological and political motives were decisive for turning the place of shooting (at first called the Camp Grave-Yard, then, the Grave-Yard of the Shot) into the Memorial Park (1965–1992) with no crosses and names of the shot in the plan of the memorial complex. The service for the dead, synonymous with paying respect to the victims, was replaced in newspaper articles, studies, literary works and posters by the term the October Festivities during the above mentioned years. In the mythical layers, the oldest and the least open to explanations except in scholarly conferences and discussions in small scholarly circles, was the myth of the number of the shot in the Kraljevo camp that varied in newspaper articles and everyday talk between 6.000 and 7.500 victims. In the culture of remembrance based on research, analysis and comparison of historical sources that had been diligently collected and preserved in the Historical archives, in the Institution of the Memorial Park and in the People’s Museum in Kraljevo personalization of the victims was necessary. Through the model of data-base modern historical science has established so far the names of 2.190 hostages shot in the camp. The process of research of the victims – their social, ethnic, age and religious make up and the search for their documents and belongings is permanent practice in the museum. The proportions of the crime against humanity are indirectly to be found in the number of families left with no bread-winner, in the number of wartime orphans, in the destroyed economy, since at least 102 persons under age were shot and since the majority of the hostages were workers and clerks of the then airplane and wagon factories, employees of institutions and schools, in the most productive age between 18 and 55. Apart from the electronic form, the unique notes on identity of every person shot – as unique as their lives had been – are noted in the books of Remembrance in the museum’s permanent exhibition, but also in the project planned for the location of the shooting, on the walls of a chapel.
  • Price: 5.00 €
Губици партизанског покрета са територије Србије у устанку 1941. године

Губици партизанског покрета са територије Србије у устанку 1941. године
(The Losses of the Partisan Movement in the Territory of Serbia in the Uprising in 1941)

  • Author(s):Dragan Cvetković
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Civil Society, Social history, Demography and human biology, Victimology, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Peace and Conflict Studies
  • Page Range:437-458
  • No. of Pages:22
  • Keywords:Yugoslavia; Serbia; Occupied Serbia; war; losses; suffering; partisans; census; uprising; regions; national; gender; age and professional structure;
  • Summary/Abstract:The partly revised census “War Victims 1941–1945” from 1964 offers a possibility of analyzing the wartime losses of the population of Yugoslavia among which the killed members of the Partisan movement make up a considerable portion. Apart from general data about their losses it enables the insight into the make-up of the victims. Out of all partisans who had fallen in the uprising in Serbia, 88.53% originated from the territory of the occupied Serbia. The mass uprising in the occupied Serbia in 1941 caused large losses both among the insurgents and among civilians who died massively in reprisals. The partisan victims from the territory of the occupied Serbia make up 36.24% of partisan losses in Yugoslavia 1941, which is a large portion, since 27.95% of all Yugoslavia’s inhabitants lived in Serbia. The creation and defense of the liberated territory caused that 51.37% of the fallen partisans originated from Western and North-Western part of the occupied Serbia, although these regions were inhabited by 18.31% of the total population. Among other regions more affected were Central Serbia (14.43%) and the region of Belgrade (10.62%). One third of the partisan victims in the uprising (33.19%) lost their lives in November 1941. Quenching of the large-scale uprising in occupied Serbia caused the intensity of combats to decrease in this territory in 1942, so that the number of partisan victims also decreased 2.72 times. Among the partisans of Yugoslavia it made up 10.40% of total losses. Women made up 2.15% of the partisans who fell in the uprising. Most of them came from Western Serbia (35.09%) and Belgrade (24.56%). Almost one half of the victims (48.93%) were persons aged 15 to 24 whereas those older than 45 made up 3.53%. Although the largest part of the partisans who fell in the uprising were peasants (46.85%), in proportion to their share among the general population, the largest part of the partisan losses were made up of workers sympathizing with the revolutionary idea (22.64%), small businessmen (10.28%) and pupils and students (7.91%).
  • Price: 5.00 €
1941. у југословенским војним извештајима из Каира

1941. у југословенским војним извештајима из Каира
(1941 in the Yugoslav Military Reports from Cairo)

  • Author(s):Milan Terzić
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Military history, International relations/trade, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Peace and Conflict Studies
  • Page Range:459-476
  • No. of Pages:18
  • Keywords:war; occupation; uprising; Communists; Chetniks; military reports; Cairo; 1941;
  • Summary/Abstract:Having received news about the uprising, the Yugoslav military forces tried to influence the events in Yugoslavia during the second half of 1941. Information about resistance in the country encouraged everyone in exile and caused the wish to obtain as many information as possible, to send a mission to the country and to proffer aid to the resistance movement, despite the unclear situation in Yugoslavia. The news of a movement headed by Mihajlović strengthened the standing of the Yugoslav Royal government with the Allies in 1941. Mihajlović was promoted general (on December 7, 1941) by Prime-Minister Simović. A string of further military (division general, army general and the chief of staff of the Supreme Command) and political (defense minister) promotions for Mihajlović followed in 1942. However, his coming on the stage caused a conflict between soldiers and civilians in exile. Lacking an army, the civilians and younger military officers got the upper hand. In stead of the “heroes of March 27” a new hub was created, but not without distrust of the Serbs within the government. This would show later on when general Simović was replaced as prime minister and defense minister general Bogoljub Ilić and generals, the Mirković brothers, Borivoje-Bora and Dragomir were removed.
  • Price: 4.50 €
Ратни циљеви Комунистичке партије Југославије у Другом светском рату

Ратни циљеви Комунистичке партије Југославије у Другом светском рату
(War Aims of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia in World War II)

  • Author(s):Kosta Nikolić
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Civil Society, Governance, Military history, Political history, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), History of Communism
  • Page Range:477-498
  • No. of Pages:22
  • Keywords:Yugoslavhood; Communists; occupation; revolution; civil war;
  • Summary/Abstract:The author writes about the construction of the myth of partisan Yugoslavism in World War II. In the foreground is a critical analysis of the interpretation that the military strategy and national policy of the Communist Party was the decisive factor for the revitalization and renewal of the Yugoslav state. The essence of revolution was in the federation created by the right of nations to self-determination. Ethnic principle was incorporated into the structure of the new federation. Hence the Republic and all (except Bosnia and Herzegovina) was a national, for which the (Slovenia and Croatia) and insisted on the full period of building socialism. Then he adopted the principle that socialism is “abolished” national conflict in Yugoslavia. The most important war aims of the Yugoslav Communists were carrying out the revolution, the seizure of power and create new social and political system. These goals were achieved through the parallel resistance and civil war.
  • Price: 5.00 €
Идеолошка начела просветне политике владе Милана Недића

Идеолошка начела просветне политике владе Милана Недића
(Ideological Principles of Educational Policy of the Government of Milan Nedić)

  • Author(s):Ljubinka Škodrić
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):History of ideas, Political history, History of Education, State/Government and Education, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Sociology of Education
  • Page Range:499-511
  • No. of Pages:13
  • Keywords:school; youth; educational reform; ideology; occupation;
  • Summary/Abstract:Educational institutions resumed operating soon after the beginning of the occupation, but they had to adjust their work and curricula to the demands of the occupiers, but also to the endeavors of the collaborationists to establish good relations with German authorities and to promote their own political views. The occupation was to be used for achieving special goals and for social reorganization and reformation. The revision of the system of values and the reform of education proposed by the collaborationists were ideologically based on organic philosophy. Their main demands concerned rejection of foreign influences, anti-communism, absolutization of the State and common goals at the expense of personal freedoms and rights, subjugation of the individual to the interests of the community, renewal of patriarchal values, customs, traditions and nationalism. Focus on the practical side of education was leading toward creation of school that would provide specific and practical knowledge, depriving the students of culture and wide knowledge received from general education. Justified criticism of pre-war education policy carried with it a desire to subject the education to control and adapt it to the ideological needs, in order to generate support of the population and adapt to the needs of occupier.
  • Price: 4.50 €
Спортска политика у окупираној Србији – државна контрола и покушаји идеологизације

Спортска политика у окупираној Србији – државна контрола и покушаји идеологизације
(Sport Policy in the Occupied Serbia – State Control and Attempts at Ideologisation)

  • Author(s):Dejan Zec
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Governance, Political history, History of Education, State/Government and Education, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Sports Studies, Sociology of Politics
  • Page Range:513-531
  • No. of Pages:19
  • Keywords:sport; occupied Serbia; control; ideologisation; reorganization;
  • Summary/Abstract:Sports life in the occupied Serbia was under great pressure from the occupation and collaborationist authorities. Sports life resumed almost immediately after the end of military operations, mostly along the pre-war lines, but taking into account the new political and security circumstances. The German occupiers didn’t have much interest in spreading propaganda through sport, except at the very beginning of the occupation. On the other hand, the collaborationist authorities had no possibility of devoting much attention to reorganization of sport until the beginning of 1942. Meanwhile, the collaborationist press spread ideas on how Serbian sport was to be shaped. Totalitarian ideologues in sport such as Dušan Kasapinović favored etatization, militarization, utilitarization and eventually, fascization of sport on German model. In early 1942 under the guidance of educational minister Velibor Jonić more serious work in the field of reorganization of sport, above all legislative one, started. By founding the Department for Physical Education at the Ministry of Education and the State Sport Committee and by passing a decree on government control of sport, complete decision-making and acting power was laid in the hands of minister of education. Thus the clique around large sport clubs and associations was, de iure, disempowered. However, despite having had large competences and power, minister Jonić in fact did little. What could be called a success of the government sport policy was putting an end to anarchy in Belgrade football and the end of conflicts between clubs, organization of sub-league competitions, connecting sport associations with corporatist organizations such as the Serbian Union of Work or National Service for Renovation of Serbia, and probably most importantly, prevention of activities of anti-German elements (Communist, Chetnik) through clubs and propaganda of the regime’s political ideas.
  • Price: 4.50 €
Odnos vlasti Nezavisne Države Hrvatske prema srpskom stanovništvu u sjevernoj Dalmaciji od aprila 1941. do septembra 1943. godine

Odnos vlasti Nezavisne Države Hrvatske prema srpskom stanovništvu u sjevernoj Dalmaciji od aprila 1941. do septembra 1943. godine
(The Relationship of the Authorities of the Independent State of Croatia toward Serb Population in Northern Dalmatia, April 1941 – September 1943)

  • Author(s):Nikica Barić
  • Language:Croatian
  • Subject(s):Civil Society, Political history, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Fascism, Nazism and WW II, Inter-Ethnic Relations, Sociology of Politics
  • Page Range:533-556
  • No. of Pages:24
  • Keywords:World War II; Independent State of Croatia; Dalmatia; Serbs in Dalmatia; David Sinčić;
  • Summary/Abstract:The article deals with the relations of the authorities of the Independent State of Croatia (ISC) toward the Serb population in northern Dalmatia. ISC was proclaimed by representatives of the Ustasha movement on April 10, 1941, several days after the beginning of Axis attack on Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Newly proclaimed Croatian state was forced to cede sizeable part of its Adriatic coast to its Italian ally. The border between Croatia and Italy was regulated by Rome agreements, signed by Benito Mussolini and Croatian head of state Ante Pavelić on May 18, 1941. Italians established their rule in the coastal area of northern and central Dalmatia while the remaining part of that region stayed within the Croatian state. Croatian authorities launched a policy of discrimination and violence against ethnic Serbs who lived in ISC in large number. Northern Dalmatian hinterland was also in large number inhabited by ethnic Serbs and they too were struck by terror of the new Croatian authorities. Between late May and late July of 1941 Ustasha detachments killed several hundreds Serbs in northern Dalmatia. In late July Serbs launched a large scale rebellion against Croatian authorities and rebels quickly took control over large areas of northern Dalmatia and neighbouring areas. Rebel would later split into two mutually opposed movements, the partisans led by Communist party of Yugoslavia and the Chetniks, who remained loyal to the royal Yugoslav government in exile. Italian army soon occupied whole Croatian coastal region under explanation that it has to secure the areas in the vicinity of the Italian annexed territories. In fact Italians could use this opportunity to greatly diminish the Croatian influence in the coastal region because it was obvious that ISC retained aspirations toward areas annexed by Italians according to the Rome agreements. For this reason Italians ordered Croatian army to withdraw
  • Price: 5.00 €
Југословенске кризе (1918–1941) и Други светски рат на простору Србије у новијој српској историографији

Југословенске кризе (1918–1941) и Други светски рат на простору Србије у новијој српској историографији
(Yugoslavian Crisis (1918–1941) and WW II on Territory of Serbia in Recent Serbian Historiography)

  • Author(s):Dušan Bajagić, Aleksandar Stojanović
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Civil Society, Governance, Military history, Political history, Interwar Period (1920 - 1939), WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Politics of History/Memory
  • Page Range:559-631
  • No. of Pages:73
  • Keywords:Yugoslavia; Serbia; crisis; war; historiography;
  • Summary/Abstract:In the focus of this article Yugoslavian crisis (1918–1941) and Serbia in the WWII are lying. Article shows main currents of Serbian and Yugoslav historiography from 1945 onwards, with in-detail retrospective of the most important researches published in last twenty years. It is established that historiography was under great political pressure in the first two decades after the WWII and during the civil-war era in the 1990’s. Social and political revolution that occurred in Yugoslavia as an outcome of civil war waged from 1941 to 1945 brought Yugoslav communist to power after the war. Tito and Party proclaimed parameters for official writing of history, with affirmation of partizan movement and communism as one of the main directions. This kind of relation toward the past dominated Yugoslav history until late 1970’s and emergence of several important researches conducted in accordance to scientific standards of historiography and mostly free from political influences. Since then an increase in quality of historiographic production can be seen. However, this positive tendency came to end with the outbreak of wars for Yugoslav heritage in 1990’s, when most of historiography was under very strong influence of nationalism and war rhetoric. During that period part of historiography production was subdued to intense revision, especially themes connected to civil war during the WWII in Yugoslavia. New century came with new historical approaches and with new themes of research, broading and improving horizonts of Serbian historiography.
  • Price: 7.00 €
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