![Negative Svetosavska Paralipomena](/api/image/getbookcoverimage?id=document_cover-page-image_307177.jpg)
"The international community's recognition of Bosnia-Herzegovina on April 6, 1991 set into motion the formidably brutal policy of extinction of the Muslim population. From April to August 1991, the Serbs have actually occupied 70 percent of Bosnia's territory. Numerous cases that have been or are still processed by the tribunal in The Hague testify of that. Many have not even been investigated so far, particularly those related to Eastern Bosnia and the Drina River valley. The Serbian troop's blitzkrieg besieged Sarajevo in couple of days only. "The siege of Sarajevo begun earlier in 1991. The fact that the Army entrenched itself all round Sarajevo as early as in autumn 1991 and distributed arms to the Serbian population also testifies that the aggression against Bosnia was planned way back. It was in October 1991 that Radovan Karadzic, preparing the Serbian population in Bosnia-Herzegovina for a plebiscite, said, "You must take over the power energetically and totally. Regardless of what will come out of Bosnia, no foundation for a Muslim house shall be laid in Serbian lands or in a Serbian village. Any foundation laid will be blown to pieces. The world will understand our opposition to any change in demographic structure be it natural or artificial. Our territories belong to us alone. We may be hungry, but we'll stick to those territories. This will be a battle for life or death, the battle for living space." Referring to possible difficulties with the international community, Karadzic said, "Foreign observers will come for sure, they'll keep everything under surveillance. They'll be malevolent. All of them will be malevolent except for those we'll acquire from England - only they will be objective," says the editor in Chapter I - "Destruction of Bosnia." Chapter II presents a chronology of the Bosnian war, Chapter III carries testimonies before the tribunal in The Hague, mostly expert testimonies, Chapter IV stands for a Sarajevo "dossier," Chapter V deals with the media presentation of the war in Bosnia, while Chapter VI carries integral sentences in Galic and Plavsic cases.
More...Keywords: sfr yugoslavia; serbia;bosnia;kosovo and Metohija;serbian nationalism; slobodan milosevic; war;conflict;human right in Serbia;
Srđa Popović's analysis in détail of Serbia's way into the wars and conflicts of the 1990s
More...Keywords: Serbian political structure;serbian liberals;communism and democracy;sfr yugoslavia;serbian nationalism;
Description of structural Problems of the Serbian political System by Marko Nikezić, former member of the Yugoslav Central Committee of the League of Communists.With a detailed introductory chapter by Latinka Perović
More...Keywords: censorship;censorship in communist countries;communism and democracy;dissident intellectuals;dissident journalist;political trials; law in communism;propaganda;sfr yugoslavia;
More...Keywords: censorship;censorship in communist countries;communism and democracy;dissident intellectuals;dissident journalist;political trials; law in communism;propaganda;sfr yugoslavia;
More...Keywords: censorship;censorship in communist countries;communism and democracy;dissident intellectuals;dissident journalist;political trials; law in communism;propaganda;sfr yugoslavia;
More...Keywords: anti-war discourse;serbian nationalism;hague tribunal; balkanism; serbian-albanian relations; kosovo conflict;
More...Keywords: journalism in Serbia;journalism and democracy;anti-war discourse;serbia and EU;
20 short texts of friends of Seška Stanojlović (see the Table of Content) published on the occasion of her 70th birthday.
More...Keywords: Serbia; government; civil sector; human rights; elections; Russia; Kosovo; economy; media; security; international relations; Vojislav Šešelj;
Serbia is once again at crossroad that calls for the engagement of its entire society. The steps the government has made toward EU accession are insufficient, the more so since the government itself is not unanimous about the course. This is more than evident in the implementation of the Brussels Agreement. The great majority of citizens knows nothing or knows little about what a membership of EU implies. Besides, most major national institutions such as Serb Orthodox Church, parts of the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences (now trying to change its course), influential intellectuals and parts of the civil sector are not committed to the values on which EU rests. Turbulence within EU itself and disorientation of some member-states play into the hands of EU opponents and fuel their resistance. Human rights and freedoms have regressed considerably over the past three years, the backsliding itself escalating during the state of emergency declared because of floods (May 15-23, 2014) and in the aftermath. Requiring expertise and, above all, preventive measures, the crisis situation itself revealed the government’s weaknesses and its attitude toward key issues of further democratization.
More...Keywords: Slobodan Inić; politics; Serbia; nationalism; communism; democracy; anti-communism; Serbian society; government;
U deceniji koju su obeležili slom komunističke ideologije i nestanak jugoslovenske države, glas Slobodana Inića (1946-2000) bio je jedinstven, i zato lako prepoznatljiv. Inić je mnogo pisao. Kao da je hteo da otme od zaborava i, u isto vreme, da zaustavi: obnovu i primenu velikosrpskog nacionalističkog projekta; kolektivno stradanje naroda i lične patnje ljudi; uništavanje dobara koja su teškom mukom sticale generacije; provalu duboko arhaične svesti koja je vodila samoizopštavanju i nepomirljivoj isključivosti; oslobañanje atavističkih instinkata koje je rezultiralo otrovnom mržnjom prema svakom drugom i svemu drugačijem, nasiljem i zločinom, - jednim bolesnim stanjem duha. U svemu tome, Inića su najviše zanimali ljudi kao žrtve, ali i kao demijurzi zla, stvarni ili umišljeni akteri istorije. Zbog prvih je patio, druge je naslikao onako kako ih je on, kao savremenik, video. U tom smislu, njegovi su Portreti nezaobilazno istorijsko svedočanstvo. To nije istorija ideologije, države, poretka, dogañaja. Ali, Portreti su, na osoben način, istorija svega toga, samo ne bezlična. Pred čitaocem su ljudi od krvi i mesa, sa imenom i prezimenom, moćni i opasni, uvereni u svoje misije, ali bez smisla za istoriju. Bez moći, oni su samo ljušture, a njihovo profetstvo - obična lakomislenost. To je ta igra istorije koju savremenici ne priznaju.
More...Keywords: Serbia; political history; political propaganda; journalism; media; political regime; war; government; media war; international relations; political press;
Prvi moj zadatak u Institutu za novinarstvo bio je da analiziram sadržaj desetak vodećih jugoslovenskih listova prema projektu jednog apoljnjeg saradnika, metodologa, koji je prethodno bio na nekoj specijalizaciji u Americi. Koliko se sećam, glavno moje "otkriće" bilo je da se svi analizirani listovi uređuju po agitpropovskom šablonu - da veličaju politiku vladajuće partije i kritikuju svakog ko se ne slaže sa tom politikom. Novu fazu u mom istraživačkom radu predstavlja ulazak u istorijske arhive, a to se dogodilo krajem šezdesetih, kada sam prijavio doktorsku disertaciju pod nazivom "Počeci političke štampe u Srbiji 1834-1872". Prekopavajući staru arhivsku građu, ustanovio sam da su svi politički listovi onog vremena primali finansijsku pomoć iz državne ili neke druge kase, što znači da su bili u službi propagande. Rezultate istraživanja ubjavljivao sam u svojim knjigama i raznim zbornicima sa naučnih skupova. U poslednjoj deceniji dvadesetog veka Srbija je imala više nedaća nego mnoge evropske države za ceo vek: raspad SFRJ, rat u okruženju, pa rat na sopstvenoj teritoriji, međunarođne sankcije, hiperinfiacija, nezaposlenost, političke svađe i podele. To je i decenija žestokog medijskog rata koji je srpska vlast vodila protiv stranih država i domaće opozicije. [...]
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