![Turkey's foreign policy in the XXI Century: The Cultural Diplomacy and Soft Power](/api/image/getgrayliteraturecoverimage?id=document_cover-page-image_319572.jpg)
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More...Keywords: Ivo Andric;Dimitar Talev;Dobrica Cosic;Nikos Kazandzakis;Anton Donchev;
In the final chapter of Imagining the Balkans (1997), while advancing arguments on the concept of the Balkans as an Ottoman legacy, Maria Todorova writes: “Turning to the Ottoman legacy as perception, it has been and is being shaped by generations of historians, poets, writers, journalists and other intellectuals.” In the Bulgarian edition (1999), Todorova adds a paragraph with names of writers to which she was referring – Ivo Andric, Dimitar Talev, Dobrica Cosic, Nikos Kazandzakis, and Anton Donchev. Especially the Bulgarian figures lead us to the role of the historical novel in shaping this legacy. [...]
More...Keywords: Bulgaria's NATO-Accession; Bulgarian Military;
Generally speaking, the tensions registered by this study refer to a fundamental problem, namely: the absence of an efficient system for balance of powers and mutual control within the Bulgarian security sector, which allows unchecked manifestations of personal power. The lack of an effective regulatory system, hence, explains the opposition to women’s presence in the army, to the dismissals, to the “modernization” methods, and to the promotion system. Nevertheless, the conclusions that can be drawn from my research are by no means pessimistic.
More...In this text I would not reflect upon different approaches towards migration; many books deal with this issue (to point just a few: Chow R. 1993; Baubock R. 1994; Cesarani D. and M. Fulbrook 1996; Appadurai 1996; Massey et all, 1998; Brettell and Hollifi eld 2000; Wallace and Stola 2001). Here I want to focus on a specific type of migration – temporary migration and its influence upon the self-perception of temporary migrants. My paper is based on a qualitative study of Bulgarian gastarbeiters in Western European countries that are members of the EU.
More...This paper draws on the experience of Bulgaria in identifying the types and modus operandi of VAT frauds with a focus on the abuse of tax credit. It analyses the elements of tax design permissive of such abuses and discusses the possible solutions in the light of the international and domestic experience and the capacity of the tax administration. It offers a critical analysis of the Bulgarian anti-fraud device the VAT account, as well as the various alternative policy and administrative measures proposed or applied as barriers to abuse of VAT credit, including those pertaining to the domain of commercial registration, or those related to indicative “market” prices of commercial transactions. The study concludes that the possible solutions should be sought along the lines of optimizing risk management and the principle of joint liability rather than through tighter controls at entry and on the conduct of business.
More...Keywords: Public law; constitution; Constitutional Court; electoral rules; State Election Commission; Law on Constituencies; Law on Voter Lists; Republic of Croatia;
The article gives an overview of the election administration under current electoral rules, in particular the scope of activities and the composition of the State Election Commission of the Republic of Croatia, as well as the composition and duties of lower level election commissions and voting committees. The author proposes revision, consolidation and harmonization of the legal framework for elections in a single electoral code (law) that would regulate all types of elections with specific chapters addressing different aspects of local, parliamentary, and president elections. Improvement of specific aspects such as candidate registration, media, violation of election campaign rules and voting of persons with disabilities are suggested. The author also elaborates on the importance of amending the Law on Constituencies and Law on Voter Lists.
More...Keywords: Zenica; April Salon; Fine Arts;Exhibition;
Visual Arts Association Zenica was founded in 1974 as a Visual Arts Branch Association Zenica. Its members were – Muhamed Bajramovic, Mirko Maric, Tomislav Perazic, Ljubomir Percinlic and Stjepan Totic. Three years later Anto Kajinic and Goran Raner also joined this group and in 1978 Irfan Handukic did the same. In 1984 the Association was also enriched by Jelenko Butina and Miroslav Šetka while Anto Cabraja and Dajana Suk entered the Association in 1988. This Branch Association acted as a self-managing association of the Visual Arts Association of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Their first exhibition took place in 1974 and it was until 1988 that the Association used to have its own regular exhibitions. At the first joint exhibition in 1975 Tomislav Perazic and Ljubomir Percinlic presented their works. That year and in the year to follow also the following members of this Association presented their works of art: Muhamed Bajramovic, Mirko Maric, Tomislav Perazic, Ljubomir Percinlic and Stjepan Totic. Visual Arts Circle in Zenica, as the critics of former Yugoslavia used to call mostly the academically educated painters, among which the oldest ones were Stjepan Totic and Tomislav Perazic, had performed very intense exhibition activities even before the Visual Arts Branch Association was established and before opening of the Visual Arts Gallery Zenica. The joint exhibitions were called „April Salon“ and before the gallery was opened the permanent place for exhibitions had been the Exhibition Pavilion of the Cultural Centre Zenica. The first „April Salon“ took place in the above mentioned pavilion in 1972 and it lasted from 10th to 25th April. It was organized to celebrate 12th April – the Liberation Day of Zenica. Ever since the joint exhibitions of visual artists from Zenica, and after the recent war, also of the academic artists of Zenica Doboj Canton, have been held and named „April Salon“ on the anniversary of this important date of the City of Zenica. This date is the date of closing the international cultural festival „Zenica Spring“. The exhibition of the „April Salon“ in the above mentioned year was moved to the Exhibition Pavilion of the Cultural Centre in Banja Luka.
More...Keywords: Ukraine
Ukraine is a difficult partner for the West, and recently, it has been perceived as an enfant terrible because of the Kolchuga affair. Western and Polish press describe Ukraine as an authoritarian regime plagued by an internal crisis or even threatened by destabilisation. This picture is certainly one-sided and oversimplified, and it fails to accurately present the reality of Ukraine. Apart from experiencing definitely adverse political developments, Ukraine has also been successful in some ways in terms of its internal and foreign policies and the economy. At the same time, certain processes take place among the Ukrainian elites, that might be difficult to capture in social surveys, but may become the starting point for the future modernisation and democratisation of the country. To realise that there are some favourable aspects to the changes occurring in Ukraine is not to recognise Ukraine as a country heading to democratisation and a market economy in the Western sense. Still, it is worthwhile to understand that the positive developments, even if isolated, do occur in Ukraine and that they could be strengthened by adequate policies of the Ukrainian authorities and the Western states.
More...Keywords: Russia's Foreign Policy
From Europe and Poland's point of view, one of the most important recent developments in international politics was the re-orientation of Russia's foreign policy. This paper aims to answer three important questions relating to this issue:4. When and why did the "pro-Western turn" in the Russian Federation's policy take place? 5. Has it been profitable for Russia?6. What goals will the Russian policy pursue in the future?An analysis of the last two years in Russia's foreign policy leads to the several conclusions, including those: 5. Clearly, the Russian leaders realise that in the longer term, Russia - in its desire for more influence in the world - will not be able to survive as an independent pole of power in international politics and it will have to join forces with the West (most likely, the European Union).6. September 11 was not the cause of Russia's pro-Western turn, but rather a catalyst that put the process which started when Vladimir Putin took his office in sharp focus.7. In the nearest future, this new direction of Russia's foreign policy seems not be challenged by internal opposition in Russia.8. The "pro-Western turn" proved to be beneficial for Russia, although:d. Russia has not become a strategic ally of the USe. There has been no breakthrough in the relations between Russia and the European Union, and Moscow has not gained any real influence on NATO's important decisions. f. Russia has not become a major decision-maker of international politics. 5. Russia's closing to the West is in Poland's and Europe's interest.
More...The aim of this paper is to identify the enduring principles at the basis of Russian military thought, offering an alternative to the contemporary analytical mainstream – which deems Moscow’s military behavior to be revolutionary and unprecedented. This is based on comparative analysis of Russian official military discourse and practice between 2008 and 2016. Critical inspection of the two Military Doctrines approved during this time frame and of various military drills will reveal a series of rhetorical and operational recurrences. Notwithstanding numerous changes at the international and domestic levels that could have had an impact on Russian military behavior, no substantive shift is distinguishable.These empirical findings will constitute the basis for a reconstruction of Russian military thought. Through a deductive method, we will be able to reconstruct the ultimate assumptions granting them logical coherence and legitimization. Far from being incomprehensible, Russian military thought will be presented as the adaptation of classical strategic principles to contemporary contingencies.
More...Keywords: Požarevac penitentiary; reformatory for women; quality and conditions of life; security; legality of the prison regime; re-socialization; contact with the outside world; institutional personnel;
The team of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia (HCHRS) has always paid particular attention to the Penitentiary-Reformatory for Women in Požarevac given that it is the only institution in Serbia for women under sentence, with numerous specificities this entails. Having in mind the reports on previous visits, it can be concluded that the prison conditions are still far from adequate, although steps have been taken regarding the maintenance and renovation of this institution. Certain parts of the prison are decently adapted and furnished given that these activities are funded by modest working capital, however the majority of accommodation facilities remain in need of urgent transformation. This refers to an entire wing of the prison ward in particular, as well as to the numerous premises used both by the prisoners and the staff. It should be noted that some of the buildings of the Penitentiary-Reformatory for Women in Požarevac are among the oldest in the system of the execution of criminal sanctions of the Republic of Serbia. The main building was built 136 years ago, and has since been considerably reconstructed twice (in 1911 and 1971).
More...Keywords: Constitution; Constitutional Court of Serbia; constitutional complains; public law;
The basic and original competence of constitutional courts is judicial review of the constitutionality of statutes, other legislative acts and regulations. However, majority of constitutional courts has further competences such as resolving conflict of jurisdiction between various authorities, electoral litigations, prohibition of political and other organizations, individual constitutional appeals (complains) etc. The constitutional appeal was introduced into the constitutional law of Serbia, relatively recently with the Constitution of Serbia from 2006. Article 170 of the Constitution stipulates: “A constitutional appeal may be lodged against individual general acts or actions performed by state bodies or organisations exercising delegated public powers which violate or deny human or minority rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution, if other legal remedies for their protection have already been applied or not provided.” In present constitutional framework the Constitutional Court of Serbia functions since the end of year 2007. In the last decade the bulk of the Constitutional Court’s administrative, professional and intellectual capacities was mobilized to cope with and resolve constitutional appeals of citizens. In recent years the Constitutional Court of Serbia receives more than ten thousand new constitutional complains yearly, while the overall sum of cases in all other areas of competence is much under one thousand. In practice, the constitutional appeal is directly or indirectly a mean for controlling the constitutionality (and sometimes legality) of court decisions. With some exceptions, constitutional appeals are used directly or indirectly against decisions of law courts (actually sometimes against administrative acts, acts of local authorities but only after they were controlled in judicial review by law courts). One can raise a question, where to draw the division line between illegality against which one can use constitutional appeal before the Constitutional Court and those where this protection is not available. In this paper the jurisprudence of the Serbian Constitutional Court will be analyzed with special emphases on this division line. Which individual authoritative legal acts of authorities fell out the constitutional appeal protection? Author calls for the creation of more visible and sustainible criterias for the admission of constitutional complains in the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court.
More...Keywords: Democratic institutions; Transnistria conflict; capacity of administration; juridical system; economic reforms; foreign trade; social development; human traffic; migration; border control;
The reports in the "Euromonitor" series aim at independent and objective monitoring of the implementation process of the Republic of Moldova - European Union Action Plan. The actions adopted and implemented by both signatories of the Plan will be monitored quarterly. The action plan is a complex document, structured in 7 chapters, which provides for the implementation of about 300 actions, some defined more or less precisely, others very ambiguous. Unable to monitor such a complex document, the authors of "Euromonitor" focused on priority actions, identified in the Action Plan itself.
More...Keywords: Berlin as a demilitarized zone;Otto Grotewohl; FDJ; Mining industry Germany East-Germany West;
Chronicle November 1st to 15th, 1958 // German Democratic Republic // German Federal Republic // International events // USSR proposes the status of a demilitarized Free City for West-Berlin. Note from the government of the USSR to the government of the GDR (November 27, 1958) // Note from the government of the USSR to the government of West-Germany (27 November 1958) // Note from the government of West-Germany to the government of the USSR (17 November 1958) // Appeals from former West-German citizens living in the GDR to their West German compatriots. (decided at a National Council meeting on November 4, 1958 in Berlin) // Letter from former West German miners to West German Ruhr colleagues (October 29, 1958) // Open letter from workers to their colleagues in West German companies (published on November 19, 1958) // Call of the Central Council of the FDJ to all West German Young Socialists and young workers to fight against the 5-point program of the SPD parliamentary group on defense policy (November 4, 1958) // Speech by Prime Minister Otto Grotewohl at the ceremony on the occasion of the handover of the art treasures to the GDR by the USSR (November 2, 1958) // Resolution of IG Bergbau in the DGB on the crisis in the West German coal-mining industry (November 9, 1958) // The People's Chamber elections in 1958 in the German Democratic Republic // Table of the overall result of the elections // large buildings of socialism - the new high sea port Rostock // MTS area Golzow as an example for the complex Development of Agriculture // Committee for German Unity exposes another 200 Nazi judges in West Germany
More...Keywords: local referendum;urban census;migration;local development;
The report presents the results of the first referendum and local census conducted in Romania. The research followed several aspects: 1. Identifying the number of buildings built as people's homes: apartments, houses, boarding schools, dormitories, children's homes, cottages, etc. 2. Identifying the number of Romanian citizens who have a permanent residence in the city, even if at the time of the survey some were away in other localities in the country or abroad. 3. Assessment of external migration: how many people went abroad, in which countries, for what reasons, how much they earn, in what field they work, if they work with an employment contract or not, if there is an intention to return to the country, if there is an intention of others locals to emigrate, the reasons that would determine them to return / stay in Resita. 4. The attitude of the population towards certain plans of the City Hall (tourism development, modernization of public transport, construction of an Aqua Park, construction of a Mall, rehabilitation of educational units, construction of an industrial museum, rehabilitation of "Mircea Chivu" stadium, rehabilitation of streets, construction of an area promenade on the right bank of the Bârzava).
More...Keywords: energy sector in Moldova;
The year 2011 has all the chances to become a fruitful one for the energy sector of the Republic of Moldova by the fact that this year a very favorable situation is created for building the theme of a sustainable development of the energy sector in the Republic of Moldova. In the form of a new government, it offers the Republic of Moldova a new status and a new motivation to contribute to the increase of the country's energy security and to participate in an energy market based on principles of equity and mutual benefits. Through a consistent approach to the problems in the energy sector, an efficient cooperation between the responsible and targeted structures in this sector and the capitalization of all the opportunities that are created in 2011, the achievements can be truly solid.
More...Keywords: economy od Moldova; economy of Transnistria;
Factors at the country level that have repercussions on the competitiveness of the national economy are those that have an impact on the overall cost structure and productivity of the entire economy. These include both the business environment and macroeconomic factors: inflation and the exchange rate. Regarding the factors at the country level, the focus of several policy documents and the Roadmap for improving the competitiveness of the Republic of Moldova are focused on creating a favorable business environment, which includes the following elements: international trade and customs administration; fiscal and administrative policy; the competitive framework; business regulation environment; access to financial resources; infrastructure and logistics; the contract, the implementation of property rights and the quality of the judicial system; environmental protection and sustainable use of natural resources; investor protection; labor market regulation.
More...Keywords: BiH; public policies; obstacles to adoption; EU;
Jačanje kapaciteta javnih institucija za donošenje javnih politika u Bosni i Hercegovini (BiH) od ključne je važnosti uzme li se u obzir širok spektar reformi kroz koje BiH mora proći da bi postala članica EU. Proces pridruženja EU podrazumijeva vrlo izazovan i ubrzan proces izrade javnih politika, što opet podrazumijeva harmonizaciju postojećih i usvajanje novih zakona u skladu s pravnom stečevinom EU. Međutim, iako su mnogi programi u postratnoj BiH nastojali isporučiti tehničku pomoć javnim institucijama na različitim nivoima vlasti, prakse i kapaciteti tih institucija i dalje su generalno nerazvijeni u ključnim oblastima donošenja javnih politika: formulacije politika, procjene utjecaja, monitoringa i evaluacije implementacije i efekata javnih politika. Ovo je jasno pokazano u izvještajima OECD SIGMA-e za 2015. i 2017. godinu, gdje je BiH vrlo loše ocijenjena u svim segmentima donošenja javnih politika, pri čemu vidno zaostaje i za susjednim zemljama.
More...Keywords: Montenegro; media; freedoms; politics; policy; financing; public service broadcasting; censorship;
U Crnoj Gori, prikrivena cenzura se primarno vrši kroz političku, diskrecionu i netransparentnu raspodjelu budžetskog novca i državne pomoći medijima. Nedostatak transparentnosti, mjerila i nepristrasnih procedura prilikom opredjeljivanja javnih fondova medijima proizvodi ozbiljne devijacije na medijskom tržištu, čime se poboljšava poslovanje jednih medija a dovodi u pitanje egzistencija drugih. Ovo je direktno povezano i sa tim da li ove medijske kuće prilikom izvještavanja o vladinim aktivnostima imaju podržavajući ili kritički pristup. Medijska scena u Crnoj Gori je duboko i široko ispolitizirana. Oštra podjela na „podržavaoce“ i „kritičare“ državnih politika posebno je postala jaka posljednjih nekoliko godina. Takođe, kontinuirani su pokušaji da se uticaj jednog dijela medija u crnogorskoj javnosti ograniči. „Otvorena cenzura“ je uključivala nasilje nad novinarima – ubistvo glavnog i odgovornog urednika dnevnika Dan Duška Jovanovića, 27. maja 2004.godine, ostaje nerazjašnjeno, kao i većina napada na novinare i imovinu medija, što nesumnjivo izaziva autocenzuru među medijskim poslenicima koji se trude da opstanu. Posljednjih godina, mnogo češća pojava je prikrivena cenzura: indirektni, česti finansijski pritisci, usmjereni ka slabljenju kapaciteta, pa čak i ugrožavanju održivosti ciljanih medija koji kritikuju vlasti. „Prikrivena cenzura“ se definiše kao pokušaj vlasti da utiču na medijsko izvještavanje kroz različite oblike pritisaka, a bez upotrebe zakonske zabrane, otvorene cenzure sadržaja vijesti ili direktne fizičke represije prema medijima i novinarima. Pojam „prikrivene cenzure“, kao oblik pritiska na medije od strane državnih organa, podrobno je objašnjen u dokumentu Inicijative za pravdu Fondacije za otvoreno društvo iz 2005.godine. U njemu su opisana tri osnovna oblika prikrivene cenzure: zloupotreba javnih fondova i monopola, zloupotreba regulatornih i inspekcijskih ovlašćenja, kao i para-legalni pritisci. Sva tri navedena oblika postoje u Crnoj Gori danas. Dodatni izvještaji WANIFRA i Centra za međunarodnu pomoć medijima su podigli svijest javnosti o ovom rastućem problemu. Ovaj dokument sadrži oblike i mapira obim prikrivene cenzure od strane crnogorskih državnih i javnih institucija u odnosu na medije i medijske poslenike. Ovo je urađeno, uglavnom, kroz prizmu finansija, koje su ujedno i dominantno sredstvo prikrivene cenzure u zemlji. Takođe, uključen je i pregled instrumenata koji olakšavaju ili ograničavaju zvaničnu finansijsku podršku: raspodjela reklamnih servisa favorizovanim medijima od strane organa javnog sektora; selektivna dodjela subvencija i drugih oblika državne pomoći; plaćeni sadržaj; i drugi vidovi administrativne i tehničke pomoći ili opstrukcija. Ova studija uključuje organe javnog sektora relevantne za medije i prikrivenu cenzuru i to iz sve tri grane vlasti, kao i ostale društveno-političke aktere od značaja za razumijevanje ovog problema u crnogorskom kontekstu. Istraživački tim se suočio sa nekoliko izazova: niko ranije nije sprovodio slično istraživanje i informacije iz javnih izvora su u većini slučajeva bile ograničene ili prilično sporo dostupne. Osim toga, ova tema je tabu za većinu novinara koji se plaše kritikovanja vlasnika medija ili vlasti i koji su nerijetko slabo upoznati sa mehanizmima i uticajem prikrivene cenzure. Nepostojanje transparentnih i konzistentnih procedura u raspodjeli javnih fondova za medije bitno utiče na medijske slobode u Crnoj Gori. Ovaj izvještaj predstavlja dokaze o tome da javne institucije pokušavaju da manipulišu medijima i da utiču na njihovu uređivačku politiku putem selektivnog i netransparentnog finansiranja. Ovo, takođe, ozbiljno podriva konkurenciju i koči razvoj održivog tržišta medija. Netransparentnost finansiranja medija od strane organa javnog sektora otežava i neadekvatna primjena pravnog okvira vezanog za podršku medijima, što dalje daje mogućnost zvaničnim akterima da iskoriste medije za partikularne interese. U ovom izvještaju su opisane različite mjere za raspodjelu javnih sredstava medijima putem kojih politički akteri vrše kontrolu ili pritisak nad sadržajem i održivošću medija. Analizirani su i mehanizmi potencijalnog uticaja javnih institucija na uređivačke politike medija i dati primjeri zloupotrebe javnih sredstava radi manipulacije u izvještavanju medija a u cilju ostvarivanja partikularnih političkih interesa. Glavni nalazi ovog izvještaja rezimiraju ključne izazove vezane za prikrivenu cenzuru u Crnoj Gori. Preporuke pozivaju na akcije koje bi zaustavile urušavanje medijskih sloboda u Crnoj Gori i unaprijedile izglede za razvoj slobodnih, nezavisnih i pluralističkih medija koji bi mogli obezbijediti tačno i nepristrasno izvještavanje o aktivnostima vlade, političkih partija i drugih institucija dužnih da promovišu demokratizaciju crnogorskog društva i načina upravljanja.
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