Series:Moldova’s Foreign Policy Statewatch

Does the Republic of Moldova need Military Planes and Helicopters to ensure State Border Guard in the Air?

Does the Republic of Moldova need Military Planes and Helicopters to ensure State Border Guard in the Air?

Author(s): Veaceslav Berbeca / Language(s): English

Keywords: border guard; Moldova-Transnistria;

Ensuring airspace control and management is a component part of the state security policy. Achieving this goal implies a legal framework that would regulate state actions against aircraft using in an unauthorized way the airspace of the Republic of Moldova. However, we must emphasize that the protection of the state border in the air is impossible without appropriate technical equipment of the Air Force. Creating a mechanism of action against unauthorized use of the Republic of Moldova airspace by aircraft is subject to a legislative initiative elaborated by the Ministry of Defense. Even if the members of parliament share the idea of this project, however, there are doubts whether this initiative is appropriate because of higher financial costs related to its implementation. There are, also, fears that the adoption of measures under this initiative would affect the settlement of the Transnistrian conflict.

The joint Meeting of the Republic of Moldova and Romania Governments - Evolution of Moldovan-Romanian relations depending on the Political Factor

The joint Meeting of the Republic of Moldova and Romania Governments - Evolution of Moldovan-Romanian relations depending on the Political Factor

Author(s): Ion Tăbârţă / Language(s): English

Keywords: Moldova-Romania relations;

On March 3, 2012, in Iaşi took place the historic meeting of the governments of Romania and Moldova. In Iaşi, the two Prime Ministers, Vlad Filat and Mihai Razvan Ungureanu signed 8 cooperation agreements between the governments of Moldova and Romania. After the event in Iaşi, the officials of both countries already were quick to predict that the relations between Moldova and Romania have reached an unprecedented level of development in their history.Undoubtedly, the relations between Moldova and Romania have been controversial in comparison with the relationship they have had with other countries. The trajectory of the relationship between Chisinau and Bucharest, during the 21 years of existence of the two Romanian sovereign states, was a political zigzag - from an emotional boom to nearly breaking off relations. Most times, the Moldovan-Romanian zigzag was influenced by the political factor.

Vulnerability of Energy Security in Eastern Europe and Testing of Commitments regarding the 3rd Energy Package (The Case of the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine)

Vulnerability of Energy Security in Eastern Europe and Testing of Commitments regarding the 3rd Energy Package (The Case of the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine)

Author(s): Ion Muntean / Language(s): English

Keywords: energy-supply: energy security;

The Republic of Moldova and Ukraine are in a period of intense talks with Gazprom in order to obtain new gas procurement conditions that would be closer to the reality of natural gas markets. Chisinau authorities still fail, in the second quarter of 2012, to purchase natural gas from the Russian Federation at a lower price under a new contract even though it had to happen from January 1, 2012 once the contract signed in 2006 expired on December 31, 2011. As for Ukraine, the talks have the same purpose: reduce the purchase price but this can be done by signing an additional agreement to the contract signed with the Open Joint Stock Company Gazprom in 2009 for a period of 10 years. Although Ukraine committed itself under this contract to buy a constant amount of natural gas - 52 billion cubic meters per year, the new authorities in Kiev have another view of the contract in force and make efforts to reduce Russian gas consumption - a fact that tenses negotiations with Gazprom. Is this a negative signal about the energy security in Eastern Europe or are these the first consequences of Moldova and Ukraine’s commitments made to the EU regarding the third energy package?

Republic of Moldova - NATO Relations

Republic of Moldova - NATO Relations

Author(s): Veaceslav Berbeca / Language(s): English

Keywords: Moldova and NATO;

The cooperation between the Republic of Moldova and NATO is an issue with a rather specific connotation for the political class in Chisinau and to society as a whole. The specificity of this attitude is explained by a number of both objective and subjective reasons shaping the relations between the two sides. The paradox of this situation is that, despite several hostile reactions to NATO by some segments of the Moldovan society or a quasi taboo expressed by virtually all political parties, in power ever, in relation to this topic, the relations between Chisinau and NATO have evolved, covering several areas of major importance for the Republic of Moldova. Obviously, in this context, it should be noted that the relations between both parties witnessed some oscillations that, however, did not undermine or adversely affect the cooperation between the Republic of Moldova and NATO.

Russia’s New Policy in the Post-Soviet Space

Russia’s New Policy in the Post-Soviet Space

Author(s): Eduard Țugui / Language(s): English

The return of Vladimir Putin as President elected for six years was not necessarily a surprise for the Russians and the international community, but the absolutely specific way in which elections took place in the Russian Federation and the international context turbulence gave this event a special importance. While major western partners of Russia were reserved if not even dissatisfied, for the post-Soviet area this political castling may mean that some geopolitical projects and military architecture will be more dynamic and was treated with great interest. Often, within the public space of the former Soviet republics, Russia’s internal political process and investing of the most powerful politician in the last twelve years came to be understood sometimes as a prerequisite for a new destiny. The Republic of Moldova is quite receptive to all “geopolitical engineering” of Russia, while some Moldovan political parties and information sources support from within the realization of a geopolitical project that Vladimir Putin intends to achieve during the current presidential term.

Russian`s Complaints against Third Energy Package and its Importance for Moldova

Russian`s Complaints against Third Energy Package and its Importance for Moldova

Author(s): Ion Muntean / Language(s): English

Keywords: energy supply; energy dependence from Russia;

A year after signing the agreement to implement the third energy package, the Republic of Moldova, at the Energy Community Ministerial Council meeting in Montenegro on 18 October 2012, asks the European Union for derogation from Article 9 of Directive 2009/73/EC of 13 July 2009 concerning common rules for the internal market in natural gas. In fact Article 9 of the Directive which provides that “the same person or persons are entitled neither directly or indirectly to exercise control over an undertaking performing any of the functions of generation or supply, and directly or indirectly to exercise control or exercise any right over a transmission system operator or over a transmission system” and vice versa, is the basic article and delaying its implementation automatically involves delaying other important articles of the directive.

The Visit of Barroso and the European Future of the Republic of Moldova

The Visit of Barroso and the European Future of the Republic of Moldova

Author(s): Ion Tăbârţă / Language(s): English

Keywords: Moldova EU accession;

After 23 august 2012, when the German Chancellor Angela Merkel paid a visit to Chisinau, on 29-30 November, the Republic of Moldova was visited by another senior European official - Jose Manuel Barroso.

The Consequences of the Disappearance of National Consensus on European Integration

The Consequences of the Disappearance of National Consensus on European Integration

Author(s): Corneliu Ciurea / Language(s): English

The Public Opinion Barometer in November this year contains several items of concern for the supporters of the Republic of Moldova accession to the European Union. In fact, we are witnessing the confirmation of a paradoxical trend noticed already in 2011 – the coming to power of the Alliance for European Integration led to increased skepticism among the population. In the short and medium term this state of things do not seriously jeopardize the reform process. There is a slight chance that people who do not approve of the strategic orientation of the Republic of Moldova will block the reforms. Nevertheless, the population Euro skepticism alienates elites from voters and forces them to promote European agenda in an increasingly narrow circle, turning the Euro integration into the business of only a small group. This fact can ultimately lead to compromising the European cause and reorientation of the Republic of Moldova to the east.

Successes of the National Economy Remodeling

Successes of the National Economy Remodeling

Author(s): Alexandru Fală / Language(s): English

The current operating model of the Republic of Moldova economy is based on consumption, which is funded, on a large scale, by remittances. This paradigm is a challenge, despite the fact that it enables the country to develop without involving enhanced efforts to maintain it. With the absorption of migrants by host countries and the reunification with their families abroad it will be unlikely to maintain a massive influx of long-term remittances. In these circumstances it is necessary to change the operating model of the national economy. After the 2009 crisis, one of the basic tasks to ensure the quality development of the Republic of Moldova became “remodeling” the national economy. As a result of the country’s economic transformation process, investments and exports should become the “engines” of growth. This view is exposed in the main policy documents: the activity program of the Government for 2011-2014 “Freedom, Democracy, Welfare” and the National Development Strategy of the Republic of Moldova 2012-2020 “Moldova 2020”.

The Republic of Moldova - Geopolitical Options in Historical Perspective

The Republic of Moldova - Geopolitical Options in Historical Perspective

Author(s): Octavian Ţîcu / Language(s): English

In a provocative and prophetic analysis of world politics after the fall of communism - Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of world order - Samuel Huntington, argues that "civilizations" have become the driving force in contemporary world politics, replacing nations and ideologies, and while nation states will remain the main unit of analysis in international relations, their behavior will not be influenced decisively by the rush for power and wealth(as the realism would suggest) but by culture and civilization. Although the book contains many interpretable and arguable things, the author is right when he says that belonging to a certain civilization is determined by the existence of traits that make this identity a common one while the relation to Western civilization was a matter influenced, over time, by multiple transformations of its frontiers, pressures exerted by competing "civilizations" and geopolitical options of some nations to become, in time, part of the Western civilization. The Republic of Moldova is also currently exposed to the alternative of identification with Western civilization, whose political, economic and social form is the European Union and by military extension the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. This major geopolitical orientation, which is assumed by the Alliance for European Integration, is influenced and largely counteracted by the existence of another pole of "civilization" of Eurasian origin, seeking to bring Moldova into a customs union and / or supranational union, whose center of gravity is the Russian Federation

The role of the External Factor in the Royal Forest Incident

The role of the External Factor in the Royal Forest Incident

Author(s): Corneliu Ciurea / Language(s): English

Keywords: Royal Forest incident;

The Royal Forest homicide and the resignation of the Prosecutor General, Valeriu Zubco, have triggered a range of statements and comments concerning the external implications of this event on the Republic of Moldova European path. Of the many comments made lately it is enough to quote the one made, in an ultimate tone, by a well-known political commentator: “We compromise the chances of having a liberalized visa regime. In 2013, we will not have, for sure, a liberalized visa regime. Also because of this scandal.” In this article we ask how much the hunting incident in the Royal Forest could affect the image of the Republic of Moldova

Lack of effective Communication Strategy on European Vector: Whim or Necessity?

Lack of effective Communication Strategy on European Vector: Whim or Necessity?

Author(s): Victoria Bucătaru / Language(s): English

2012 was for the Republic of Moldova a so-called historic year, if we refer to visits of senior European officials, who come to support the idea that the Republic of Moldova is increasingly in the focus of the EU. Although there are a number of advances mentioned in the legislation, an obvious shortcoming is the lack of citizen involvement in the modernization of the Republic of Moldova by means of proximity to European standards. Government officials talk about obvious successes in the state’s domestic and foreign policy, but they are understood only by a small circle of people, usually officials, experts, people who have to do with the institutional system, though, even in this case we are talking about a vague understanding of the overall reform process.

The Republic of Moldova Foreign Policy Objectives in 2013

The Republic of Moldova Foreign Policy Objectives in 2013

Author(s): Corneliu Ciurea / Language(s): English

Keywords: Moldova Foreign Policy 2013;

The Prime Minister Vlad Filat statement that “2013 is a crucial year for the European course of the Republic of Moldova” sets a very high benchmark for the Moldo¬van diplomacy ambitions. In 2013 the main goal is to complete negotiations of the Association Agreement, by the date of the Eastern Partnership Summit in Vil¬nius in 2013, including provisions relating to DCFTA as an integral part and implementation of all provisions of the se¬cond phase of the dialogue with the EU on visa liberalization. In fact, we can say that the Government has reviewed a little its priorities- if in 2012 the Foreign Minister Iurie Leancă was talking about visa liberalization by the end of this year as the ultimate goal, whose failure could cost him office in December, in 2013 the emphasis is on signing the Association Agreement, including free trade, and visa liberalization is an objective so¬mehow immersed in uncertainty. Learning from past experien¬ces, our diplomatic chiefs no longer make keeping their posts dependant on achieving these objectives. Nevertheless, the fa¬ilure of these objectives in 2013, even for reasons beyond the Republic of Moldova, could greatly weaken the positions of the Foreign Ministry current team.

Border Security in the Context of Future Visa Free Regime

Border Security in the Context of Future Visa Free Regime

Author(s): Iurie Gotişan / Language(s): English

Keywords: Moldova and its neighbors;

This policy brief is elaborated based on the Action Plan on visa liberalization with the EU, further in the text APVL, particularly the part referring to border management. Thus, this analysis attempts to highlight the Republic of Moldova position compared to other states (Georgia, Ukraine, Russia, etc.) that are currently in the process of negotiations with the EC on the liberalization of the visa regime but also to some countries aspiring to such a process. This study has rather a more quantitative aspect and tries to carry out a broader assessment of the potential migration and security effects of the liberalization of visas for Moldovan citizens traveling to the EU.This analysis indicates that Moldova is not an important route for illegal migrants to reach one of the EU countries. Moreover, if we look at the border segment with Romania then the number of illegal migrants apprehended overall, (also covered in FRONTEX Agency reports) amounts to just several dozens, including Moldovan citizens. In addition, this analysis highlights the number of people with Moldovan citizenship that aimed to reach the EU illegally in breach of the border “green” sector, which is also the lowest in the top of nations.As a rule, the flows or the number of illegal migrants through the BCP (border crossing points) are the best identified or represented by refusals of entry. Thus, in terms of the indicator of refusal of entry into the EU, in a top of nations, Moldovans do not appear at all. Moldovan citizens appear in the FRONTEX statistics only in 2009 on the 9th position and only on land border segment and in the FRONTEX analysis reports, the Republic of Moldova is mentioned only incidentally. At the same time, during the years 2009-2011, most refusals of entry at common borders were issued by the Polish border authorities, mainly on the border with Ukraine and Belarus. Moreover, over 50% of all refusals at common borders were issued to the Ukrainian citizens, followed by nationals of other neighboring countries such as the Russian Federation and Belarus.

Russian-German Relations Impact on the Republic of Moldova European future

Russian-German Relations Impact on the Republic of Moldova European future

Author(s): Ion Tăbârţă / Language(s): English

Until recently, Germany’s relations with Russia were based on a comfortable pragmatism. Russian-German pragmatic relations were determined by two strategic issues for both countries: energy interdependence and economic relations. During this period, Germany preferred to overlook human rights and the state of democracy in the Russian Federation. The year 2012 changed significantly the quality of Russian-German strategic partnership. The return of Vladimir Putin to the Kremlin ended the “partnership for modernization” initiated by Angela Merkel and Dmitry Medvedev in June 2010 in Meseberg. The deterioration of the relations between Moscow and Berlin will, undoubtedly, influence directly the architecture of interstate relations in Europe.

Transnistrian Conflict and Republic of Moldova European Integration: the Case of the Liberalized Visa Regime

Transnistrian Conflict and Republic of Moldova European Integration: the Case of the Liberalized Visa Regime

Author(s): Corneliu Ciurea,Eduard Țugui / Language(s): English

The Republic of Moldova European course maybe passes through the most difficult moments since the launch of the Eastern Partnership and the establishment of a new government in Chisinau. While the finality of the negotiations on the (re)creation of an alliance of government (an eventual Alliance for European Integration 3) is still uncertain, the “Euro skeptic” signals coming from European officials are intensified. The Republic of Moldova was announced that the Association Agreement, implicitly the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement, will not be signed in November 2013 in Vilnius but delayed until 2014. After the Moldovan diplomacy missed the target (promised to society) of visa liberalization with the European Union by the end of 2012, recent statements by two European officials, the European Commissioner Stefan Fule and the Head of the EU Delegation to the Republic of Moldova Dirk Schuebel, in which connection is made between the liberalized visa regime and the Transnistrian conflict have brought about more uncertainty on visa dialogue with the European Union as well.

Internationalization Equation: Transnistrian Conflict and the Republic of Moldova European Integration

Internationalization Equation: Transnistrian Conflict and the Republic of Moldova European Integration

Author(s): Eduard Ţugui / Language(s): English

Keywords: Transnistrian Conflict;

Internationalization means relating the Transnistrian conflict with the international security context and the European course of the Republic of Moldova, as well as the commitment of external partners to support the Moldovan development strategic démarche. The “5+2” format negotiations are determined by the new European geopolitical realities and fall under the perspective of Transnistrian conflict internationalization. European integration and related negotiations of the Republic of Moldova together with the new realities of continental security, including NATO missile defense shield have revived the negotiations on the Transnistrian conflict settlement. The official resumption of “5 +2” negotiations in autumn 2011, along with the reopening of dialogue between Chisinau and Tiraspol, opened up the prospect of change in the eastern part of the Republic of Moldova for reintegration of the country. But if negotiations for European integration show an increasing trend, the realities in the negotiations on the Transnistrian conflict settlement are quite different. Two years after their start the situation became tense in the Security Zone, Tiraspol administration actions attempt to obstruct the European integration of the Republic of Moldova and Russia still has plans to create a military base on the left bank. All these provide proof for the unsustainability of the current negotiations framework and, consequently, require rethinking of the internationalization of the Transnistrian conflict settlement, in order to ensure the territorial integrity of the Republic of Moldova.

Energy Security Aspects of the Republic of Moldova

Energy Security Aspects of the Republic of Moldova

Author(s): Veaceslav Berbeca / Language(s): English

Keywords: energy security; energy supply;

Ensuring the energy security of the Republic of Moldova is one of the main objectives of the authorities in Chisinau. Diversification of natural gas supply sources is considered to be one of the main tools that would contribute significantly to achieving this. Therefore, the construction of the Iasi-Ungheni gas pipeline that will interconnect the gas system of the Republic of Moldova to that of Romania is seen by many as an important step to reduce the state’s dependence on the Russian Federation’s monopoly on gas supplies. The 27 August symbolic launch of the construction of the Iasi-Ungheni gas pipeline with the participation of Prime Ministers of the Republic of Moldova and Romania as well as the European Commissioner for Energy coincided with the visit of Russian Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin to Chisinau. Rogozin’s statements on September 2 in which he suggested that Moldova could remain without gas in winter were perceived as threats by the public in the Republic of Moldova.

Russia’s Pressures and the European Course of the Republic of Moldova

Russia’s Pressures and the European Course of the Republic of Moldova

Author(s): Eduard Ţugui / Language(s): English

Keywords: Moldova-Russia rel.ations;

The approach of the Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius on 28-29 November 2013, where the ex-soviet states are expected to sign/initial the Association Agreement with the EU precipitates the geopolitics of the post-Soviet space. Russia employs all available tools to obstruct the European course assumed by these states, including the Republic of Moldova while the European Union provides unprecedented diplomatic assistance and economic support in order to make sustainable the European course and development of the states that will come to Vilnius with the Association Agreements. The Republic of Moldova is experiencing therefore one of the turning points of its history and despite ever more evident pressures of Russia, the firm European course assumed by the entire society accompanied by a model technical preparation ensures all premises for a sustainable development.

Time for Visa-Free for Moldova

Time for Visa-Free for Moldova

Author(s): Leonid Litră / Language(s): English

Keywords: visa-freedom; Shengen;

Almost 3 years ago, on 24 January 2011 the Republic of Moldova received the Visa Liberalization Action Plan from the European Union. A year earlier at the launch of the Visa Dialogue, no one believed that the Republic of Moldova’s citizens would be able to travel without visas to the EU. As then, today very few believe as well.In 2011 even among well-informed bureaucrats there were opinions ranging from one extreme to the other. While in 2010 nobody thought it was possible, in 2011 the vast majority thought that Moldova would get a liberalized visa regime by the end of 2012. The assumption of rapid visa liberalization was due to the experience of Balkan states obtaining a visa-free regime in just one and a half years (Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro) or two and a half years (Bosnia and Herzegovina and Albania).