The Objective of the current study was to identify the most demanded expertise on the Khoni labor market. For this purpose, qualitative research method, namely in-depth interviews were utilized. Total of 11 interviews with the local employers from governmental agencies, nongovernmental organizations and private businesses were carried out. Overall, according to the employers, there is a high demand on high as well as low skilled labor force in the municipality. Computer literacy, clerical work and foreign language knowledge was equally underlined as essential by all employers. As for the non-formal education, only those employers whose organization depends on high skilled labor force (production, local municipality administration and healthcare sector, NGOs) allocate certain funds for training their personnel. Taking into account the general market demands on the local labor market, respondents named computer literacy, financial literacy, and foreign languages as the most desirable educational programs for raising the skills of the existing/potential employees.
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The current study aims to identify the educational needs of the Koni Municipality population. For this purpose, qualitative research, namely focus group discussions were conducted in the region. Total of 6 focus groups were conducted in the town of Koni and village of Nakhakhulevi. Respondents were divided into focus groups according to their age and place of residence, rural or urban settlements within Khoni municipality. The research showed that poverty and unemployment are one of the most pressing economic issues in the municipality. Majority of the currently employed individuals in the municipality work in agricultural, retail trade and furniture production sectors. Due to lack of educational centers in the municipality and limited financial resources, the majority of the local population does not have access to post-secondary formal or informal education. Namely, among most demanded skills and knowledge were foreign language proficiency, computer literacy and craftsmanship. Thus, these are the spheres the population would be willing to have training courses locally.
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The present research conducted by the Center for Social Sciences (CSS) touches upon the ties between education and employment in Georgia and covers three main dimensions: individual return of education (financial benefits), compatibility of education with the labour market, and job satisfaction. Data analysis presented in this paper is based on the nationwide representative quantitative survey carried out by CSS in summer 2016 as a part International Social Survey Program (2015 Work Orientation IV Survey); we also used the World Bank 2013 statistical database. The data was analysed using the SPSS statistical program. The publication consists of three interconnected chapters. The structure consecutively follows the abovementioned topics that are actively studied by the economics of education in the contemporary world. Since our main objective was to show the real picture of the relations between education and employment in Georgia, we believe that the research findings will largely contribute to the better understanding and development of the state education policy. Each chapter consists of three parts: context, i.e. literature review; overview of the main findings, i.e. in-depth analysis of the obtained data; and summary discussion containing all the major conclusions and findings of the research. At the end of the publication, certain recommendations are provided for the state agencies and educational institutions. The publication ends with annexes containing tables and diagrams and the respective bibliography.
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Keywords: Western Europe; Eastern Europe; discourse; stigmatization; nationalism;
The following paper discusses how the Western imaginary or the way “the West looks East” reinforces the construction of “unstable” or ambivalent identities in the new European countries, as well as the margins of Eastern Europe. Particularly, it deals with the Western discourses that locate Eastern Europe and its margins in the ambivalent state of spatiotemporal transitionality, and explores the possible defense strategies of the latter. The abovementioned Western discourses are roughly divided by the author in the stigmatizing and enlightening ones though both imply a certain type of stigmatization. The “othering” (Todorova 1997) and “asymmetrical” (Melegh 2006) discourses are considered as the examples of the stigmatizing discourse, while “civilizational” discourse (Elias 1994), which is translated into the “elitist” discourse within the local settings, is considered as an example of the enlightening discourse. Furthermore, two extreme ways of “symbolic escape” by the new European countries (the cases of Poland and Romania) and the margins of Eastern Europe (the case of Georgia) are discussed: “a radical emigration... [alongside] cultural amnesia” and a “passionate nationalism and hyperbolic pride” (Kiossev 2002). Finally, the question is posed whether these strategies can help avoid stigmatization. Based on both the researches by other scholars and the recent cross-cultural research conducted among the youth in Romania, Poland and Georgia by the author of this paper, it is illustrated that such means of “symbolic escape” can cause further stigmatization and be largely responsible for a kind of “failure discourse” characteristic to the representatives of the abovementioned new European countries and the margins of Eastern Europe.
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The presented research is aimed at studying social and economic needs of population residing in high mountainous regions of Georgia. Quantitative, as well as qualitative research methods were applied for collecting data. 400 people (259 women and 141 men) were interviewed within the quantitative research in the high mountainous regions of Samegrelo-Zemo Svaneti, Racha-Lechkhumi-Kvemo Svaneti, Mtskheta-Mtianeti and Adjara. The number of survey participants represent the sample population of the whole population of Georgia’s mountainous regions. Taking into consideration the specificity of women’s social needs and problems, in the frames of qualitative research, 40 in-depth interviews were conducted with women of different age, marital and employment status, living in the same regions.
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Keywords: European identity; Europeanness;
Georgia’s European foreign policy choice is often claimed to be the reflection of its national identity, more specifically its self-perception as a European nation striving to return to the European family. The following paper analyses this claim. More specifically it explores the extent to which mass attitudes conform to this officially voiced stance of the country. First, it explores Georgian society’s concurrence with aspirations of Euro-Atlantic integration and seeks to scrutinize the extent to which these aspirations stem from shared values, that is to say to what extent European identity is embedded in Georgian society. For this purpose, I refer to a thin version of European identity implying universal values. Based on the analysis of mass attitudes via public opinion polls, I argue that, although official aspirations for Euro-Atlantic integration are massively shared, some of the basic values of European identity have a weak support in Georgian society. Low awareness of Europe in terms of its values, institutions and policies is pointing to the fact that Georgians have an abstract idea of Europe. Thus this paper suggests that general support for European integration in Georgia is better explained by the anticipation of economic benefit than it is by Georgia’s sharing of European values. Moreover, the analysis suggests that Westward aspirations are mainly a project of the political elite.
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The research focuses on exploring the perception of the concept of Happiness of Georgians and the determining factors of reported overall happiness. Quantitative and Qualitative research approaches have been used to study these issues. The qualitative data covers an overview of the self-reported happiness of Georgians based on international and local surveys, also defining the main predictors of overall happiness using CSS survey data (2012) by using the step-wise regression model to identify what Georgian people mean by overall happiness and what the determinants of the reported happiness in Georgia are. Qualitative research was focused on interviews and focus groups to explore the discursive, general understanding of happiness. To summarize the research results, the determining factors of reported overall happiness in Georgia were identified as follows: Assessment of Current Family Income and Expectation of Positive Changes in Family Economic Status in Coming Years are the most important predictors of self-reported happiness according to the 2012 data. Consumption Spending, Age and Marital Status also determine the self-reported overall happiness in Georgia. The qualitative research on the perception of overall happiness has revealed that the majority of respondents reflect on happiness in relation to health, family well-being, close relationships/friends, love and income. Young participants tend to emphasize self-oriented activities, freedom, personal independence, self-development, success in career, and enjoying the life; whereas adults underlined the importance of family relationships, health, and income. The literature has depicted that reported happiness is highly correlated with life satisfaction; however, our qualitative study has demonstrated that respondents associate life satisfaction with financial welfare, whereas happiness implies nonmaterial issues.
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The issue of gender equality has been overlooked by international organisations and local non-governmental organizations in Georgia. However, local and international communities have made pronounced progress with regard to raising awareness of gender issues through educational activities. Additional aspects of democracy-building have been introduced with gender equality. Many studies have demonstrated that young people represent a progressive force in social change and in the transformation of social and cultural meanings that lead to more liberal attitudes towards gender roles. Current literature also suggests that a number of factors, including gender, education, the type of settlement, employment and religion, influence the understanding of gender equality and gender roles in families and in society. Therefore, the aim of this paper is twofold: a) to determine whether young people have more liberal attitudes regarding a range of gender issues; and b) to examine the determinants of these gender attitudes. The paper supports the recommendations that Georgia received from the UN Human Rights Council in 2011 regarding the elimination of stereotypes (UN Human Rights Council Universal Periodic Review Mechanism and the Gender Perspective 2011). This paper briefly reviews the relevant literature and the Georgian context in which our hypotheses are presented. This review is followed by a description of our methodology. This paper concludes with results and discussion.
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Shortly after winning elections the new government of Georgia has announced a number of important measures aimed at strengthening the social protection system. These include increasing pensions, doubling the levels of means-tested social assistance, introduction of tax allowances for low earners, strengthening labour regulations and provision of universal basic health insurance. In this paper we project the possible impact of increased social transfers on poverty by using data from the Integrated Household Survey, carried out by Geostat. We argue that while increased transfers will considerably reduce poverty, a third of poor families will see no improvement as at present they are excluded from the social protection system. To fill this gap we propose alternative means-testing criteria, whereby households’ eligibility is defined by their income-generating capacity and actual needs rather than by hypothetical welfare scores primarily defined by possession of durable items.
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Based on the data gained from 16 focus-groups (8 in Tbilisi, 4 in Marneuli da 4 in Akhaltsikhe) we can identify certain differences between Georgians’ perception towards Azerbaijanis and Armenians. Despite the topic is Azerbaijanis for half of the focus groups and Armenians - for another, each includes additional part of discussion over another significant minority, Armenians in Azerbaijani-themed focus-groups and Azerbaijanis in Armenian-themed focus groups. Therefore this additional part also serves as some kind of brief examination of the data that was gained in same-themed focus groups. General observation of everyday situations shows that Armenians are perceived far more negatively than Azerbaijanis. Media, which on one hand feeds the opinions of the society and on the other hand is fed by those opinions, covers Armenians more frequently compared to other ethnic minorities and often uses term ‘Armenian’ as a swear word.
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In this contribution I want to consider how social science research intersects and interacts with political thinking and action. The significance of violence against women, as such, needs no emphasis in this forum. It determines how boys and girls develop, it regulates our conduct as sexed beings - as men, as women - and it interacts with unequal distributions of benefits and burdens between the two sexes. It needs no emphasis here, but that is not to say that it needs no emphasis in universities and research centres in general, in social and political institutions like law and medicine, and in the agencies of government at state, city, and global levels. The last few decades have seen widespread acceptance of the insights that rape as a weapon of war, first really is a weapon of war, and second is not just any 'ordinary' weapon. There has also been wide acceptance, throughout societies, and states, that sexual harassment at work is serious. First, because of its pervasive psychological and emotional effects on recipients and on perpetrators; second because the joke or the flirtation is underpinned by and is liable to turn into aggression or assault. It is recognised, by scientists, by lawyers, by policy makers, governors and managers, that domestic violence is a public health issue. All of these impact on understanding of the complexities of rape and sexual assault as criminal. All of these underline how sex and gender, and the enforcement of particular standards of sexual conduct, are matters of the first political and legal, as well as cultural and social, importance.
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Keywords: Parliamentary elections; Georgia; material deprivation; multivariate analysis;
This study shows that the district level outcomes in the 2012 parliamentary elections in Georgia are significantly associated with the mean household deprivation levels. This effect is statistically significant after controlling for the regional dummies, urbanisation level, current district’s population size, the proportion of orthodox population, local ideological preferences, and the rate of turnout on the election day. The OLS models of the share of received votes in the proportional system and the logit models of the odds of victory of a party candidate in the majoritarian contest both reveal that the districts with the lowest and highest material deprivation levels were more likely to vote for the oppositional coalition. The results are robust even after excluding from the analysis two fraud-prone regions of Samtskhe-Javakheti and Kvemo Kartli.
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The rapid change of education system reform vector in Georgia increased the General Education centralization process. During the last two years the changes were passed in the law on General education. The changes reinforced the role of Ministry of Education and Science was in the school management process. The Minister issued decrees, Teachers Professional Code of Ethics, Students Code of Ethics, Standard of School Principle were adopted and enforced in 2010. Based on the new regulations Georgian Public Schools developed and renewed Public School Bylaws. // The School Bylaws reflected the changes entered in force. The General Education system management changed and as a whole it contributed strengthening the zero tolerance tendencies. The school discipline management procedures are strengthened. The School Bylaws determined the inflexible punishable measures connected with the discipline abolishment, though the exact description of the discipline abolishment in the prepared Bylaws is not noticed. The Bylaws define the school management style and control mechanisms. In this article the Georgian Public Schools’ Bylaws are studied and identified the needs of systematic changes of Education Policy, in particular, discipline management.
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Keywords: DCFTA; Free Trade Agreement;
This paper offers analysis of the possible impediments to concluding a DCFTA with Georgia. My arguments are based on three major factors hindering the process: First and foremost, Georgia’s long term economic development model is uncertain. The country’s ruling elite, dominated by an influential libertarian group, maintains the government’s ambivalent attitude towards the two fundamentally different ‘European’ and ‘Singaporean’ models of country’s development. It is argued here that becoming a second Singapore is an obscure prospect for Georgia and that the best possible alternative for the country’s long-term sustainable development is to follow the European path. Second, the Government of Georgia is unenthusiastic about implementing the EU preconditioned ‘deep and comprehensive’ regulatory reforms due to high convergence costs. Instead of targeting long-term sustainable economic growth, official Tbilisi proceeds with marginal reforms and uses the possibility of the EU approximation as a political tool to sustain the EU’s political support and aid. Third, the EU’s ‘enlargement-lite’ and technocratic policy along with its limited conditionality towards unfulfilled reforms in Georgia further encourages the government’s “selective convergence” and hesitance to decide firmly and ultimately on the European way.
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This paper provides historical background to the formation of Georgia’s current borders in the course of 20th century and analyzes the stance of Georgian state on border delimitation after independence. In the first part of the article, the period of 1918-1921 when most border changes took place in the South Caucasus is examined. Then the Soviet period is discussed. The article moves on to examine the period of 1991-93, during which the successor states of the USSR reconfirmed the internal republican borders of the USSR. The second part of the article describes the process of Georgia’s negotiations with neighbouring states on border delimitation after the restoration of independence. Delimitation of the border cannot be achieved unilaterally. It is a bilateral process and the failure to reach the consensus should be attributed to both negotiating parties. The aim of this article is not the identification of the guilty party, but rather identification of the actual reasons for lack of progress in negotiations. It reflects a Georgian perspective of the past and present state of play, since it is mostly based on documentary analysis and interviews conducted in Georgia. This research argues that the lack of political will from all negotiating parties has been the main reason for protraction of the process of border delimitation. It is a first attempt to bridge the existing gap in research on the border delimitation issue in interstate relations. Unfortunately, border delimitation is a field which has not been extensively researched either by Georgian or by international scholars, which makes this article even more timely and relevant.
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