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Romanian historiography after the First World War focused on the importance of the 1918 moment and neglected the problems during the years of occupation. After the Second World War the communist regime did not allowed the freedom to do research regarding this subject. Finally, in recent decades, historiography has consistently tried to recover in these fields of research, but still focused on the problem of oil production and its importance for the German Army. The present study aims to capture the other industries regarding which there also was a high interest, but which have not been researched so in depth so far. A very important aspect will be to look at the level of economic development of Romania at the outbreak of the wars, in 1916 and in 1941. Also, not too much information is available regarding the other economic areas that Germany has sought to use to support their war effort. In the end, we want to reveal the changes in the attitude of the Germans regarding their economic interests in Romania, except that we will not focus on the petrochemical industry but rather on agriculture.
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The Danube river can be perceived as a cultural and mythical cross-border in ancient and medieval Balkan history. It has served as a contact point between diverse cultures particularly in the early Middle Ages (IX-XII centuries). The large river splitting the civilized Christian imperial Byzantine world from the “barbarian” and pagan northern cultural area (Scandinavians, Pechenegs, Scythians) is a component of the “water labyrinth” mythologem. The Danube is a mystical space which the real historical hero had to cross in order to achieve his goal. For instance, the Bulgars led by khan Asparuh had to cross it in order to create the state of the Bulgars. In that sense, the Danube river has been considered a border zone between the known space (North for Scandinavians) and the unknown foreign space (the mystical but attractive Byzantine South). This river, the same as the Dnepr for Scandinavians, can be considered a place of trial which the crossing historical hero (Viking chieftain) should overcome to establish in the attractive South (the Byzantine Empire). Hence, this river is a dividing line between the elements of ours and theirs, between us and them. The regions northwards of the Danube were populated by Germanic tribes (and Dacians), whereas the South represented the unknown but the cultural area desired by the Scandinavians who intended to establish in the warmer and richer Byzantine lands. Therefore, the Danube has been deemed by medieval Byzantine chroniclers and modern Bulgarian scholars as a divisive rather than a uniting point. It is simply a border; it does not connect, it divides. So, from a real historical viewpoint the Danube has been considered a dangerous place staying on the path of the migration throughout the axis North-South particularly in the period between IX and XII centuries. And the lower Danube is precisely the part of the river where the abovementioned features most accurately apply.
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This work aims to present a political phehomenon that characterizes almost all the democratic countries that face political competitions: the negative campaign, which became bigger and bigger in Romania after so many years of communism. If we take a look at the political programs, speeches, public releases, slogans and official posters of the Romanian politicians from 1990 to 2015, we will find many negative aspects, disadvantages, minuses, weaknesses that each candidate attributes to his opponents. This article showed that in Romania, as in the United States of America, the impact of promoting a candidate by using negative campaigning against his or her opponent is significant and can be hardly replaced by a better strategy.
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The 12th century represented a true Renaissance for the Western European culture. Poetry is one of the arts which has known a strong affirmation since the first half of the previous century. It all started with Guillaume (1071-1126), the seventh earl of Poitiers and the ninth duke of Aquitaine. This is when the troubadours make their appearance in the cultural history of the Occident, a special phenomenon that profoundly marked European lyrics. The poetry of the troubadours were a true "explosion" of artistic creation. Following this poetic effervescence, many written works by poets more or less talented followed. Among all these poets, Peire Cardenal is distinguished due to his life and creations. He saw daylight at Puy en Velay in the province of Auvergne, (at 500 km south of Paris), most likely in the year 1180 (some sources give his birth year as 1176). He had a very long life and died sometime in 1278. His latest writings are dated 1271. The poet was from a noble family, which directed him towards an ecclesiastical career. After entering the suggested career, Peire quickly abandoned it, preferring to become a troubadour. Parts of his extensive work survived to this day. These include 12 love songs and over 80 by sirventes (poems with satirical content, moral or political, which mocked the clergy). Peire Cardenal is an incontestable master of this latter kind of poetry. In total, from his creations we have 96 poems. The poet was between 1204-1208 the secretary of the Count Raymond VI of Toulouse. More of his poems are full of anticlerical feelings, which were shared by many people in the South of France. It is these poems that we analyse in our brief essay.
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Given the fact that current migration waves do not have a specific approach and it is important to try to avoid most of the negative influences that could come from this phenomenon, I consider that there is another factor that could have a beneficial impact on these evolutions. But how can we speak about cooperation for development and stability when we do not know some aspects that can cause important disorders if they are not treated right? And that is one of the reasons why along with identity aspects, in this paper, I choose to study the demographic changes and challenges in the Black Sea Area, their involvements in security and how they could lead to conflict. This area can be considered a risk for security, because here there are a lot of contradictions and conflicts, most of them based on ethnic differences, territorial claims and energy disputes. But, beyond this, a new category of risks must be taken into account, so along with the main demographic phenomena and structural changes of population, I will also approach other aspects, because some trends will result in a redistribution of population that could lead to the amplification of the ethnic and religious sources conflicts. And regarding these possibilities, diplomacy and why not some public diplomacy techniques, could lead to stability in an area dominated by uncertainty and frozen conflicts.
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This paper refers to the foreign trade of the Romanian grain Principalities and their destination (the European deposit ports). During the Modern Age, a large part of the world grain trade was controlled by certain intermediate ports. The grain was stored for lengthy periods (even up to 7 years) and sold when market conditions seemed favourable. Two cities, Galaţi in Moldavia and Brăila in Wallachia, personified the interests and hopes of the principalities regarding the economic role of the Danube. Starting with the 1830s, the Danubian region became an increasingly frequent destination for European entrepreneurs who had discovered their great commercial prospects. The Russian–Turkish Peace of 1829 turns the ports of Brăila and Galaţi into important suppliers of grain for the European markets. In the following century, grain from Romanian Principalities supplied the European deposit ports.
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The support of macro regional coalition of states and zones in South-Eastern Europe is a new direction in the regional policy of the EU. Its development model is under construction that searches to define the special progress matters in each countries and the entire region. It is an exceptional historical condition that the majority of political entities in the Black Sea area and its close neighborhood belong to the same common political union, to European Union. This analysis seeks to summarize certain important historical events in the bigger area of the Black Sea and not only member states of the EU, by involving geopolitical, spatial issues of development schemes taking into account the differences of the parts involved. Its socio-economic significance is that a common political strategy of South-Eastern European states should be constructed on consensus because the strength of mind of the Black Sea region involves historical fears and geopolitical concepts as well. However, in order to prevent a too broad of a delimitation, we will not divide our area from other European macro regional/transnational designs such as Central Europe or Southeast Europe. That is why it is imperative to reach standard internal characteristics. Beside the assessment of outside limitations, it is essential to consider the internal construction of the area as well. We must be conscious of which scenario is about broader or narrower Black Sea area and when it is considered necessary to consider unconnectedly its certain sub regions and analogous crisis catalysts.
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