Korupcija i ekonomski razvoj
Relation between corruption and economic development of the transitional neighbouring countries, may be perceived on the results of managing the sources of international multilateral and bilateral aid.
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Relation between corruption and economic development of the transitional neighbouring countries, may be perceived on the results of managing the sources of international multilateral and bilateral aid.
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This article seeks to explore the organizational development of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization and its contributions to the globaliza
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The great majority of the Russians did not support their country’s military intervention in Chechnya during the 1994-96 Russo-Chechen War. During the Second Chechen War, however, beginning in the autumn of 1999, a turnaround occurred. Now a majority of Russians stood behind their government’s decision to regain control over the hitherto independent Chechnya. Such support was in part in response to a string of high-profile terrorist attacks in Russian cities by Chechen rebels and the spread of the separatist movement into neighboring provinces such as Dagestan. In addition, much of this shift in public support at the time was attributed to the pivotal role broadcast media played in the second Chechen war. This analysis focuses on the marked change in public perception by studying the Russian media, its role in shaping opinions, and how reporting from the conflict zone transformed Russian people’s attitudes.
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Through the application of an identity based constructivist theoretical framework, this article argues that a gradual embrace of Persian conceptions of state identity by Iranian political elites and wider society has taken place over the last decade. The embrace of what this article terms ‘Persian identity’ has deeply affected how Iran externally ‘portrays itself’ and pursues its foreign policy interests. This has become increasingly apparent in the context of its trilateral relations with Tajikistan and Afghanistan during the Ahmadinejad presidency (2005-present). Increasingly Iran in this context has shifted its identity, interests and actions from that of an Islamic revolutionary ‘Other’, to a so-called Persian ‘Brother’ and a friendly, pragmatic and constructive political partner.
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The ongoing economic and commecial cooperation between Azerbaijan and Germany for many years led to 2 billion euro worth trade volume. When we check the trade partners of these countries,we can deduce that these two countries are quite significant to each other’s foreign trade. The common idea is the potential is capable of achieving even more. The biggest chance in activating the potential in commercial biliteral relations is undoubtedly the strong basis they possessed so far. In recent years, Azerbaijan due its geographical, political, economic and cultural context has been an important country for Germany. Azerbaijan, having the potential activated, can even be more important for Germany which aims at diversifying the energy import. Accordingly, Azerbaijan should consider new resources as advantages to strengthen relations with Germany. In this context, Azerbaijan would have to consider its national interests and rearrange his bilateral economical relations. Azerbaijan should be in contact with Germany on an equal and mutual interest basis. In this article, an evaluation of Azerbaijan foreign trade, the position of these two countries in foreign trade and the economical and commercial relations between Azerbaijan and Germany.
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Whether for its internal construction process or its relations with external environment, the European Union always emphasises that it gives priority to the democratic-liberal political and economic values and tries to disseminate the idealist discourse enhanced around these values. Within the foreign policy pillar of this emphasis, one of the most important test areas to show the degree of EU’s success is the Union’s policies towards the Central Asia. Moving from such a linkage, this study attempts to reveal the position and impact of idealist discourse within the context of EU’s Central Asia policy. Leaving aside the previous years, a new strategy and a bigger ambition has been articulated since 2007. However, this idealist policy could not have generated any serious change in the region because of the insufficient instruments and of some other reasons resulting from the attitude of the EU and seems to remain just a discourse
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The rise and fall of Kurmanbek Bakiyev, the second president in Kyrgyzstan’s history, was inextricably linked with revolution. Thus, the interpretation of this event became a crucial element of legitimizing efforts. Legitimization through revolution became a part of the larger strategy of traditional justification through the great ancestors and glorious past. Contrary to the previous president Askar Akayev, however, a new president had no time, enough popularity or event interests to engage in production of elaborated ideological visions of state, society or nation. While it is true that no all embracing ideological projects were designed during his presidency, the president paid a lot of attention to the symbolic aspects of his power and legitimization of his position. Moreover, the gradual concentration of power in the hands of the members of president’s family created the need for legitimization of their privileged position. As the paper claims, there were numerous and dispersed legitimizing attempts linked to the members of the family. Despite inner tensions and disagreements, the viewpoint of the family and their ideologists was more or less consistent. This was basically an authoritarian narrative never recognizing the role and importance of the people. The past was presented as a time of heroes, all of whom were presented as the ancestors of the ruling family. The origins of the ruling family played substantial role, enabling them to position their own group (Teyit tribe, Jalal-Abad oblast and south of Kyrgyzstan) on a higher hierarchical position in comparison to the rest of the country’s population. This interpretation of the past allowed for the dissemination of hagiographic stories about their family history, the culmination of which was quasi-historical idea that made the President Bakiyev eleventh Khan.
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Le terrorisme — la violence pour la violence — est essentiellement un phénomène d'extrême droite qui tend à déstabiliser et à détruire la démocratie. L'auteur examine la thèse que l'amour irrationnel de l'action révèle une forme particulière d'anti-intellectualisme profondément enracinée dans la tradition intellectuelle italienne. On découvre dans cette tradition des constantes structurelles qui surgissent dans des contextes historiques différents. Ce sont a) l'élitisme, b) le populisme social, et c) l'anti-modernisme. Ces trois caractéristiques sont dialectiquement reliées. La conséquence principale de l'élitisme est que l'intellectuel italien ne pense pas avec autrui, mais pour, ou à la place d'autrui. Ceci mène à une position populiste sociale où l'engagement social de l'intellectuel est égocentrique. Ce fait mène à son tour au mépris "anti-moderne" de la science, de la démocratie et du socialisme. A l'appui de l'hypothèse que l'amour irresponsable de l'action est profondément enraciné dans la tradition d'élitisme intellectuel, l'auteur analyse les ouvrages et la rhétorique d'un certain nombre d'intellectuels italiens du vingtième siècle afin de montrer comment ils ont contribué à une "culture de la violence".
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The views of R. Bahro, G. Konrád, and I. Szelény expressed in their recent publications concerning the essential characteristics of the ruling type of socialism in Eastern Europe are discussed and criticized. Their studies fail to take account of the analysis of personality structures and behavioral patterns without which one cannot understand or explain the process by which the "revolutionary" principle of totalitarianism became dominant in the Soviet Union. Several problems and questions are raised in order to stimulate interest in finding a more adequate way for analyzing the differences among (and within) Western European, Central European, and Eastern European societies. The hypothesis is advanced that bureaucratic totalitarian socialism in the Soviet Union arose because of a traditional lack of rational behavior and a lack of respect and capacity for democratic procedures and institutions. This is supported by drawing upon the work of N. Elias, especially his Über den Prozess der Zivilisation. On trouvera ici une discussion critique des points de vue que R. Bahro, G. Konrád, et I. Szelény ont exprimés dans leurs publications récentes concernant les caractéristiques essentielles du modèle dominant de socialisme dans l'Europe de l'Est. Leurs études ne tiennent aucun compte de l'analyse des structures de la personnalité et des modèles de comportement sans lesquels on ne peut comprendre ni expliquer le processus par lequel le principe "révolutionnaire" de totalitarisme a prévalu en Union soviétique. L'auteur soulève un certain nombre de problèmes et de questions dans l'espoir de trouver une méthode plus adéquate d'analyse des différences entre les sociétés d'Europe occidentale, d'Europe centrale et d'Europe orientale et à l'intérieur même de ces sociétés. Il énonce l'hypothèse que le socialisme totalitaire bureaucratique de l'Union soviétique est dû à un manque traditionnel de comportement rationnel et à un manque de respect et de capacité pour les méthodes et
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Cet article est basé sur le chapitre final d'une vaste étude des origines du stalinisme dans les conditions de la révolution russe. Contrairement aux nombreuses théories en cours qui prétendent que le stalinisme représente une conséquence inévitable du marxisme ou que le stalinisme n'était qu'une extension de tendances qui virent le jour durant la révolution d'Octobre, l'auteur soutient que le stalinisme représente une rupture décisive avec, et une destruction, du potentiel socialiste de la révolution d'Octobre. Il faut considérer le stalinisme comme une contre-révolution consciente et impitoyable. Il est possible de déterminer la limite précise entre la phase révolutionnaire en Union soviétique, lorsque les idées socialistes étaient encore vivantes et actives, et le point de rupture qui a étouffé et anéanti les réalisations de la période révolutionnaire. A l'appui de cette thèse, l'auteur caractérise les traits essentiels du stalinisme en montrant que ce type d'ordre social représente une société politique bureaucratisée. De plus on peut dégager les choix et les décisions spécifiques qui ont conduit à l'établissement du stalinisme et les conditions qui en ont permis la "victoire". Il ne faut pas voir dans cette analyse un manque d'esprit critique envers la révolution d'Octobre mais une reconnaissance objective de ses tendances contradictoires. C'est en séparant le stalinisme du socialisme qu'on donnera l'impulsion nécessaire au renouvellement de la tradition révolutionnaire dans les pays où le stalinisme menace de détruire tout espoir.
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Je soutiens l'importance théorique et pratique d'une distinction conceptuelle entre la classe dirigeante et la classe dominante. Chaque cas de pouvoir de classe est aussi un cas de domination mais un cas de domination de classe n'est pas toujours un cas de pouvoir de classe. La bourgeoisie est seulement la classe dominante et non pas la classe dirigeante. La classe dirigeante c'est la classe qui dirige l'Etat directement (en tout ou en partie) et qui par son pouvoir exclut les autres classes du processus politique. La raison pour laquelle il importe de faire cette distinction est qu'elle nous permet de comprendre pourquoi les révolutions démocratiques bourgeoises n'ont pas conduit tout simplement au remplacement d'un type de pouvoir de classe par un autre mais plutôt à un type essentiellement nouveau de société de classe qui permet le développement d'une vie politique démocratique pour tous les citoyens. La distinction entre le concept de classe dirigeante et celui de classe dominante a certains avantages. Elle nous permet une analyse plus subtile de la bourgeoisie où l'on voit que c'est la première classe de l'histoire qui puisse dominer sans diriger. Le concept de classe dominante est un instrument plus souple pour évaluer les degrés et les diverses formes de domination. ïl permet au marxisme l'étude des élites du pouvoir. Le plus grand avantage de la distinction entre classe dirigeante et classe dominante, c'est de permettre au marxisme d'affronter des questions politiques fondamentales qui lui seraient fermées tout autrement.
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