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Since the Czech policy became a mere component of the westernpart of the Empire after the Compromise 1867, the Czech political elite,with an orientation to the conception of historical rights, strove for an equalnational position. As a result, they lost interest in the Slovak policy as an allyand the Slovak question as a part of a wider conceptual solution. The Slovakpoliticians with a natural right conception rejecting historic rights as “oldrubbish” were placed in a complicated situation. On the base of historicalrights there were many attempts to realize the cooperation between the partof the Czech politicians and Hungarian opposition against the Vienna court.Such cooperation, however, did not have a chance of success and only arouseddiscontent among the Slovak political elites. Slovak policy after decades on thecrossroad between Vienna, Budapest and Prague came with the beginning ofthe WW1 into the new geopolitical situation. In May 1917 the Czech politicalprogramme, for the first time, abandoned the principle of historic rights, crossedthe river Morava and included Slovakia and the Slovaks in its sphere of interest.After the Czechoslovak Republic was declared, the struggle – propagandist,mental, military and diplomatic – for Slovakia was only beginning.
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List of reviewed books: PIETER M. JUDSON, The Habsburg Empire. A New History (Rudolf Kučera) INES LUFT, Eduard Winter zwischen Gott, Kirche und Karriere. Vom böhmischen katholischen Jugendbundführer zum DDR-Historiker (Petr Husák) JOSEF SERINEK, JAN TESAŘ, Česká cikánská rapsodie (Pavel Baloun) PAVEL KOLÁŘ, Der Poststalinismus. Ideologie und Utopie einer Epoche (Jiří Růžička) PETR ROUBAL, Československé spartakiády (Karel Šima) PETR ORSÁG, Mezi realitou, propagandou a mýty. Československá exilová média v západní Evropě v letech 1969–1989 (Pavel Horák)
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Es scheint, als hätte Böhmen für die deutschen Intellektuellen des 18. und beginnenden 19. Jahrhunderts nur eine geringe Bedeutung besessen. Keineswegs gehörte das Land zu den beliebten Reisezielen der gebildeten Deutschen, die bekanntlich in jener Zeit Aufenthalte in Italien, Frankreich, der Schweiz oder England bevorzugten. Und doch fuhren alljährlich in den Sommermonaten hunderte Auswärtige über die Grenze in das Land hinein. Es waren vor allem die Bäderreisenden, die Kranken, Rekonvaleszenten, Hypochonder aller Couleur sowie die repräsentationssüchtigen Standespersonen, welche Teplitz, Marien-, Karls- oder Franzensbad aufsuchten.
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In this article I sketch out the general outlines of the so-called ‘Great Polish Emigration’ after the November Uprising (i.e. after 1831) from the (broadly understood) intellectual history perspective. Subsequently I present the wider intellectual background, attempting to place the output of the émigrés in the longer-term intellectual perspective of Polish history. I focus on the main dimensions and reasons underlying the ideological and conceptual evolution of the Polish community that emerged in exile. By evoking the most striking examples of their conceptual and organizational innovations and examining the scale of their publishing activity, I conclude that they brought about substantial changes in many spheres of action and reasoning. In the last part of the article I compare the Great Polish Emigration with similar phenomena in Europe, as well as with precedents and succeeding emigrations in Polish history. In conclusion I try to answer the question posed in the title, i.e. whether the emigration after the November uprising was really ‘great’.
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The study focuses on the statistical evaluation of data on crime in1882–1911 published in contemporary records. Firstly, a descriptive analysis is used to compare selected characteristics of persons condemned to death. Secondly, a multinomial logistic regression model is used to identify and statistically test factors determining whether a felon deserved pardon or was eventually executed. The final evaluation of the results of both analytical methods points out the differences in various parameters of criminal behaviour and its treatment on the side of the state across the lands of the Cisleithanian part of the Habsburg Monarchy.
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This article discusses to what extent can historians use literary fiction as a historical source for their research on technocracy in state socialist Czechoslovakia. This case study focuses on the literary work of Czechoslovak economist and writer Stanislava Vácha. Since the 1950s to 1990s Vácha wrote numerous novels about socialist managers and economists. This article argues that Vácha’s novels are unique historical sources providing valuable insights in the mentality of professional middle class in Czechoslovakia before 1989. While using Vácha’s novels and similar materials as historical sources historians are able to expand our knowledge of social and cultural history of expert cultures in state socialist era.
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The object of interest of the study are articles of the Communist journalist, literary critic and publicist Julius Fučík, which were written during his stays in the Soviet Union in 1930 and 1934 to 1936. The title of the study paraphrases the name of a selection of some of the texts published as "V zemi, kde zítra již znamená včera" [In the Land where Tomorrow Already Means Yesterday] (Prague, K. Borecký 1932), which became a “ubiquitous” propaganda slogan after the war. A few years after his death at the gallows in Berlin, Julius Fučík (1904–1943) turned into anicon of Czechoslovak Stalinist propaganda which was spreading his story as that of a paragon of a dedicated communist, with inexhaustible work and vital élan, and a determined fighter against Nazism. His cult, which was primarily targeting young people, was organized around a narration about his sacrifice, which Fučík wrote himself and smuggled out of prison on scraps of paper and which was published after the war in many countries as "Reportáž, psaná na oprátce" [Notes from the Gallows]. However, an important factor of this worshipping was also Fučík’s admiration of Stalin’s Soviet Union, which he was uncritically promoting even at a cost of official persecution. The author asks himself a question why it was travelogues written by Julius Fučík which, selected from a massive body of texts of various left-wing authors adoring the Soviet social experiment between the wars, were canonized after the war. Having analyzed them, the author infers that Fučík depicts the Soviet reality as a heroic age, born out of the Bolshevik revolution, continuing by enthusiastic building of socialism, and heading toward a happy future of humankind after the overthrowing of capitalism. In doing so, he stylizes his narrations as chapters of a heroic epos reliving the ancient Promethean myth. The role of the mystical hero is taken over by udarniks and that of the fire by nationalized production assets and technologies representing tools of a watershed civilization change. Its dynamism also creates a new global social spacetime, with borders of the Soviet state separating the future of humankind in the East from the human prehistory in the West. The author shows that Fučík was obviously writing his reportages with subversive intention, using a multitude of examples to illustrate the contrast between the rapid economic growth in the Soviet Union and the deep crisis in the West. Fučík’s convincingness is enhanced by his specific, vivid writing style and a clear narration framework applying principles of historical materialism about the alternation of socioeconomic formations to specific stories. Combined with Fučík’s loyalty to the current party line, participation in the resistance movement, and his martyr’s death, all of the above provided those formulating the post-war cultural policy with enough suitable material to create an unblemished communist hero.
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The article offers an insight into the intellectual history of theories of totalitarianism and in an innovative way approaches the conflict between the proponents of different concepts of totalitarianism and the so-called revisionists. It seeks to provide a brief overview of the very complicated and, on both sides, very diverse debates and disputes. The authors deal with intellectual, societal and political sources of the theories of totalitarianism and offer their periodization in two waves and in important national contexts (Germany, Italy, France, and the United States). They also point out that more often than not the term “totalitarianism” is the only aspect that links the completely different traditions. The authors identify this striking incoherence in the different academic and non-academic genres, in the unclear relation between the theory and the empirical referents (that is, different political regimes, systems, movements, etc.), or in methodological statuses and approaches to conceptualization of totalitarianism (the relation between the term, the academic concept/empirical type/ideal type and the theory). They explain the rises and falls of the popularity of the concepts of totalitarianism, with special emphasis on some debates that have recently appeared in the Central European academic milieu. As the authors of this text claim, the renewed interest in totalitarianism is owed in part to the “new revisionism” whose representatives oppose the vaguely defined (or undefined) totalitarianism theories. The authors consider this dispute, apparent mainly in the recent debates on the communist past, a misunderstanding and point out two fundamental problems. Firstly, the argument is often led with the vaguely defined concept of totalitarianism which is often confused with the “perspective from above”. Secondly, the new revisionists often refute the theories of totalitarianism using, paradoxically, arguments that rather confirm than dispute these theories. The article shows that the gap between the different theorists of totalitarianism was actually much wider than the gap which is opening between the “new revisionists” and the “totalitarians”.
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The reviewer sets the monograph of the Slovak historian Miloslav Szabó, entitled "Klérofašisti: Slovenskí kňazi a pokušenie radikálnej politiky" [Clerical fascists: Slovak clergy and the temptation of radical policy (1935–1945)] (Bratislava, Slovart 2019), in the context of contemporary transnational research works and debates on the relation between Catholicism and fascism in the twentieth century. The author drews inspiration from the methodological tools of research into hybrid forms of fascism and from the concept of clerical fascism, which he applied to the environment of the Slovak Christians, mainly Catholic clerics, in the late period of the First Czechoslovak Republic and during the Slovak State (1939–1945). He traces their ideological and political radicalization, describes the dynamics of the development of their opinions, placing them in the context of the changes in the ideological and political climate. Using specific examples, he also outlines a typology of a clerical fascist activist, an extremist and a martyr. The reviewer sees the first type, characterized by a more or less tactical shift towards fascism and the Ludak regime and probably predominant among the Slovak clergy, as the most productive area for research. According to the reviewer, the author takes the research on the issue further thanks to his approach and knowledge. Finally, the reviewer raises the question of the applicability of the concept of clerical-fascism to the Czech Catholic environment of the first half of the twentieth century.
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Symbols are a significant resource in preserving historical memory. Influencing the consciousness of people, they contribute to the unity of different ways of life, worldview values and individual human experience. In the complex nature of symbols ideological, educational and spiritual potential lies, taking into account a culture of memory formed. The names of the streets of Khmelnitsky city in the twentieth century received an ideological connotation and were intended to fulfill the function of demonstrating the symbolic strength of Soviet power. Many streets of the city were named after a certain person. The symbolic marking of the streets of Khmelnitsky is significantly focused on the militarist component. In such conditions, the symbolic image of the city lost its uniqueness, acquired universal features that were inherent in many average Ukrainian cities of the Soviet period. An analysis of the symbolism of the modern city of Khmelnytskyi testifies to significant shifts towards the democratization of this process and the ideological decolonization of the toponymic system of verbal markers. Historical amnesia remained virtually unchanged in relation to the multicultural issues of Khmelnytskyi in the past.
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The subject of this article is the ideological basis on which the study of the history of pedagogy in Serbia in the 19th century was based. The aim of the paper was to analyze the scientific and socio-ideological starting points in the conception of the history of pedagogy in Serbia. As a teaching discipline, the history of pedagogy in the research period was placed within the framework of professional education of primary school teachers and pedagogues. Therefore, the goals and tasks of the history of pedagogy were adjusted not only to the achievements of this scientific discipline in Europe at the time, but also to the projected goal of the overall education in Serbia. Textbooks on the history 424 425 of pedagogy published in this period (until 1902) represent the basic source for the analysis of the ideological foundations on which teaching in the field of the history of education was based. This analysis shows that the history of pedagogy was understood as a suitable means of harmonizing the spread of Christian principles with a “rational educational approach”, so that over time there was an increasingly professional reflection on the possibilities of using educational theories in pedagogical practice. At the same time, there was a growing awareness of the influence of general cultural history on the development of pedagogical theories, as well as the importance of the national pedagogical heritage.
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Review of: Е. F. К. Koerner. Essays in the History of Linguistics [Studies in the history of the language sciences, Volume 104]. John Benjamins Publishing Company. Amsterdam / Philadelphia, 2004. 271 pp.
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The main preoccupation of this paper is a life, private piety and ktetorship of roman empress Irene Doukaina, as well as the political aspect of her ktetorship. She was the wife of a roman emperor Alexios I Komnenos. At the beginning of the 12th century Irene together with her husband founded a double monastery dedicated to the Theotokos Kecharitomene (Full of Grace) and to the Christ Philanthropos (Man-Loving). It was located in the 10th district of Constantinople where all Komnenian monasteries were grouped, between the aqueduct of Valence in the south and the Blachernae palace in the north. Today, this complex no longer exists, we know about it based on the preserved typikon of the Theotokos Kecharitomene. This monastery complex was the first real common endowments of the Komnenian ruling couple. It was founded as the final resting place of ktetors. In early 12th century in Constantinople some changes happened when it comes to devotion to the saints. Members of the royal family had a special personal relationship with the saints through which the emperor and empress see themselves as a parallel earthly reflection of Christ and the Mother of God. The first ruling couple who saw themselves as the counterpart of Christ and the Mother of God, were Alexios I and Irene Doukaina. This new, more personal relationship with Christ and the Mother of God is reflected in the visual culture through the model of double endowment and the consecration of the churches. Alexios’ monastery dedicated to the Christ Philanthropos was male monastery and Irene’s monastery dedicated to the Theotokos Kecharitomene was female monastery. During the reign of Alexios and Irene for the first time in the Roman empire the protective role of the Mother of God was so obviously bound exclusively to the female members of the imperial family. The monastery of the Theotokos Kecharitomene, was not only expression of Irina’s personal piety and a votive gift for Theotokos who her personal protector and an intercessor at the Last Judgement was but also was an expression of the power of the empress Irene Doukaina.
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The article is devoted to the perception of the heritage of Byzantium in the socio-political thought of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the period from 1453 to the middle of the 17th century. Already in the second half of the 17th century, the Left-Bank Ukraine left the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and the Metropolitanate of Kyiv withdrew from the jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Constantinople. The process of influence of the Byzantine civilization on the East Slavic culture after the fall of the Byzantine Empire is investigated. According to the findings, in the process of discussing the Union of Brest in the written tradition of the GDL and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Orthodox, Uniate, Catholic and Reformation narratives developed, in which the image of Byzantium had different shades: from positive to extremely negative, respectively. However, these narratives, which well complement the rather meager information about Byzantium in local letopis sources, are similar in one thing: they tend to see in it not the imperial past, but the current church heritage of the Greek people, which had a significant impact on the historical fate of the lands of Rus’. For the Polish-Lithuanian szlachta as an estate, the heritage of Byzantium was not a source of their own identity. Attempts to update the political idea of the liberation of Constantinople from the rule of the Turks came from the environment of the Greek diaspora of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. However, such projects were not approved here and were cut off from life. And even a major Orthodox magnate, Prince Wasyl-Konstanty Ostrogski, did not support, albeit difficult to implement, but a more realistic project to transfer the residence of the Patriarch of Constantinople to the city of Ostrog. He also did not claim political succession from the Byzantine emperors, but did not interfere with the idea of his spiritual succession. The article pays more attention to the writings of Orthodox polemicists, because the heritage of Byzantium is very important and deserves special attention.
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The purpose of this article is that of exploring one of the most valuable sources from Iceland’s golden age of sagas, the Saga of the People of Laxárdalr through the lenses of historical as well as literary criticism in order to provide an account of the ways in which Norwegian kings or queens were portrayed. The research methodology includes primary and secondary source analysis and qualitative analysis, as well as the comparative method, as the results are compared with similar findings from secondary literature. The edition of Laxdæla Saga that was used in the analysis is Muriel A. C. Press’s translation from 1999 and the main secondary sources used include works such as those of Ármann Jakobsson and William Ian Miller. The main findings are that, like in many other similar sources, the Norwegian monarchy is represented either in an either extremely positively or extremely negatively fashion by the author of the saga.
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The main characteristics of any given social group are defined through comparisons with members of other communities and result from a complex interplay. Identity and alterity are thus constructed simultaneously and interdependently in accordance with group representations emerging from various sources: direct contact through travelling, mere legends or more verifiable accounts, scientific or fictional works, press articles tackling diverse topics, school textbooks, almanacs, etc. The British and the Americans were not identified as the most noteworthy alterity figures by the Romanian mentality of the modern period, but they were surely perceived distinctively from other foreigners. Despite the cultural and/or geographical distance between Transylvania, Wallachia and Moldavia, on the one hand, and Great Britain and the United States of America, on the other hand, towards the end of the 19th century average Romanians were able to interwove information gathered from a wide range of sources and to transform it into realistic depictions of these two countries and their inhabitants. This process of defining the Other combined diachronic and synchronous tendencies, fiction and facts, stereotypes and truth. By synthesising the work done by previous researchers, the present study provides an overall image of the ways in which Great Britain and the United States of America were perceived by Romanians throughout the 18th and 19th centuries.
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Foundation of a health care system of statutory-public type, aimed to providing health care for whole the community is one of the important tasks that The Temporary Russian Management realizes immediately after the end of the Russian-Turkish war. Made by Dr. Dimitar Mollov “Temporary Guides about the structure of the medical management in Bulgaria” that have been confirmed and empowered since February 1 1879 are the first official document stating the organization of the Bulgarian health care. The “Guides” are based on the principles of the Russian community medicine having in mind the fact that their author is educated in Russia and also the health activities of the Bulgarian Revival districts. Impregnated with the spirit and progressive ideas of the Russian community medicine The “Temporary Guides” build the Bulgarian health care on progressive basis and define trends of its further development.
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In the late 1930s of the XX century, under pressure from European countries, the Ottoman Empire took organized anti-epidemic action against the pandemic spread of plague and cholera infections. Infirmaries, sanitary cordons, quarantine services are being built in the port cities of Varna, Pomorie and other important trade and administrative centers. The purpose of this article is to study the development and activities of the Varna Quarantine Service since its establishment in 1847 until the end of World War II. The ways and mechanisms by which the import of especially dangerous infections on the territory of Varna quarantine region are studied in chronological order. In the years after the Liberation, Bulgaria's active land and sea trade with neighboring and European countries, wars, migration, the movement of Muslim pilgrims and seasonal workers across our sea border required the health authorities to approve health legislation and new approaches in the organization and structure of the border sanitary control, compliant with the International Health Regulations for the Protection of Public Health.
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