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On April 6th, 1667, Dubrovnik was hit by a disastrous earthquake. Seven nunneries were destroyed in the earthquake and the eighth, the Convent of St. Peter and Paul, burnt down in a fire that broke out as a consequence of the earthquake. The data on the number of casualties are contradictory; therefore, so are the data on the number of casualties among the nuns. Due to the vast number of casualties suffered by the nunneries and nuns, there was the issue of their fate after the earthquake. Archbishop Torres took advantage of the temporary absence of authority and decided to leave for Ancona together with the nuns. In his report on the journey he claimed that he had arrived at this decision because he deemed the nuns vulnerable as the government was not able to provide them with adequate accommodation and the necessary enclosure. However, one might argue that the archbishop, in making this decision, was actually more worried about himself than the nuns. As he was a representative of the head of the Church, should he not have stayed and provided spiritual comfort to the suffering population, especially, as he himself states in his report, because the survivors among the people were happy to see him alive? What prevailed was probably the fact that Archbishop Torres, just like any other foreign archbishop, was not satisfied with his post and had not been able to fully integrate in the town or with its people, the majority of which did not speak Italian. Maybe the fact that someone needed to take care of the nuns who had survived was his perfect excuse to leave the Republic. Although the nuns were extremely well received in Ancona and were opposed to an instant return home, the government wanted to bring them back as soon as possible. Apart from the intimate feelings of concern for their daughters, sisters and aunts, there were economic reasons that motivated the government as well. Nunneries had great shares in Italian banks and as long as the nuns were in Ancona the interest payments, which the government wanted to use for the reconstruction of the convents, were suspended. Patriotism may also have been a motivation for a quickest possible return of the nuns as the government wanted to have the nuns on their own ground, thereby showing that the earthquake had shaken them, but had not destroyed their ability to look after their citizens. Their eventual hurry in bringing back the nuns, whom they had, at first, accommodated at the Franciscan monastery in Ston, is also documented by the letters the nuns sent them, in which they mostly complained about the poor accommodation and food.
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From the ancient times, the Una valley (along with that of River Vrbas) was an important traffic and communication route connecting Pannonia and the eastern Adriatic, and it maintained this crucial function throughout the Middle Ages. This favourable geostrategic position led to the foundation of settlements in the Una valley during the medieval period, including the towns of Dubica, Kostajnica, Vodičevo, Zrin, Otoka, Krupa, Ostrožac, and Bihać, which were built at a distance of around 30 kilometres on the average, which was a day of journey for the merchants’ caravans.
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When discussing Vinodol’s past, one must keep in mind the antiquity of this geographic region, which becomes evident at the very first glance – the clear shape of the valley that stretches from Križišće towards the southeast, surrounded in north and south by mountains belonging to the Bitoraj-Viševica massif. At the same time, one should keep in mind that this geographical situation of Vinodol does not entirely correspond to the former Vinodol municipalities or towns. As it is known, the term “Vinodol towns” includes eight municipalities from Trsat in the northwest to Ledenice in the southeast, which together with Novi (Vinodolski) sums up to the nine towns of medieval Vinodol.
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In the second half of the 14th century, Zadar became the centre of the Kingdoms of Dalmatia and Croatia. Then, and especially during the first half of the 15th century, it may be best described as a blooming town. The main reason for this situation was a combination of political, social, and economic circumstances, and the market of possibilities was equally open to peasants, craftsmen, merchants, educated administration, and the nobility. The city required personal presence and offered challenges in search for a better future or in establishing or improving one’s reputation. All these opportunities, and especially the last one, played a role in attracting the Croatian nobility, which will be the focus of this article.
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Throughout the centuries of its history, Dubrovnik’s confraternity of St Anthony was one of its most important institutions besides the official authorities and the Church. Established in 1432 by merging two earlier confraternities, that of the Holy Spirit and the Holy Saviour (founded in 1348) and that of St Anthony the First Ab-bot and St Peter (founded probably in 1363), it soon became the most distinguished confraternity in the city. It showed some typical features of a confraternity – focus on the spiritual needs of the brethren, care for the needs of its sick and dying members, offering the feeling of belonging to a community, the possibility of engaging in lay spirituality, and hope in eternal salvation. In the spirit of Christ’s words “Whatever you did for one of the least of these brothers and sisters of mine, you did for me,” con-fraternities were known for their charity work, which was not limited exclusively to its members, but also included the broader community and all people in need, which distinguished them from the exclusively professional guilds, who cared mostly for their own.
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Exploring the property relations in a medieval city is often the only way to re-construct the financial status of citizens or families. In Central European cities, a citizen’s wealth was closely related to his political power, i.e. his administrative functions and honours, which is why social topography is essential when reconstructing the socio-political status of individual citizens. The urban elite of Zagreb’s Gradec is a representative example of such urban elites. Same as in other Central Europe-an cities, the urban elite of Gradec consisted of wealthy merchants, craftsmen, and members of petty nobility, all of whom can be identified as owners of various estates, urban houses, or land plots in the municipal territory. Owning real estate in the city was the basic prerequisite for obtaining civil rights, which were required in order to join the city administration. Therefore, ownership was closely related to authority in medieval Gradec. Nevertheless, this research focuses on ownership over a single type of property – the palace – as the most representative private possession, at least in principle. Naturally, we could not avoid raising the issue of what the term actually denoted, but since the analysis is mostly based on archival records, the final decision and definition have been left to art historians and historians of architecture.
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The first prominent ‘Rightists’ in Dubrovnik during the last decade of the 19th century were Ivan Matešan and Stjepan Čubretovic, instructors at the gymnasium, as well as Roko Mišetić, a doctor at the hospital. Their political activities were taken up and further expanded by Frano Supilo, at onetime the prefect of the agricultural department in Gruž, and later the founder, publisher, and editor of the ‘Rightist’ Dubrovnik weekly Crvena Hrvatska. In cooperation with Pero Čingrija, the Dubrovnik leader of the National Croat Party, Supilo aimed his political activity squarely at the coalition of the pro-Italian and Serbian parties, who since 1890 had dominated the municipal administration in Dubrovnik, negating the Croatian identity of Dubrovnik and directing it away from Croatian political ideas. This vehement struggle culminated in 1899, when the municipal administration in Dubrovnik came into the hands of Supilo’s ‘Rightists’ and Čingrija’s Nationalists, advocates of Croatian political ideas. The ‘Rightists’ proved to be the deciding factor in this struggle, who by their determination and conviction maintained the course and intensity of the struggle.
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In this paper, the author presents the new evidences on the life and beneficium (dotation) of Vid Ostojić-Marinić, the bishop of Krbava, who originated from the medieval Croatian nobility of the island of Korčula. Based on the archival sources, the author has depicted the beneficium of the last bishop of Krbava diocese, who was remembered in the local historiography of the 18th and 19th centuries as the constructor of the altar of St. James as well as of the pulpit in the cathedral in Korčula. As it was recorded in the medieval sources, Bishop Ostojić decided to construct the pulpit “in order to save his soul as well as the souls of his deceased, successors and heirs”. Bishop Vid Ostojić was a son of Ostoje Marinić, who was elected in 1403 as member of noble deputation of the community of Korčula to King Ladislas of Naples. The beneficium of Bishop Ostojić existed from 1456 to the end of the 19th century, more precisely to the 1894, when it was sold to Franko Ostojić, the bishop’s descendant, for the amount of 298 florins. Finally, for the first time, the coat of arms of the Bishop Ostojić from Blato as well as the family genealogy are presented in the paper. This coat of arms was made in the high quality renaissance workshop in the middle of the 15th century.
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U neposrednoj blizini grada Zadra u Dalmaciji smjestilo se naselje Arbanasi, koje je dobilo naziv po katoličkim Albancima koji su se onamo doselili iz okolice Skadarskoga jezera u prvoj polovini 18. stoljeća. Sve do današnjih dana sačuvali su doseljeni Arbanasi svoje gegijsko narječje, kao i mnoge značajke narodne kulture.
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Historia e migracionit shqitpar është e lidhur ngushtë me historinë e popullit shqiptar, të njejtën kohë edhe me historinë e Kishës katolike te populli shqiptar, përkatësisht me shpërn-guljen e shqiptarëve të besimit katolik në vende e ndryshme të Evropës, por edhe në botë. Shpërngulja e shqiptarëve të besimit katolik ishte një sfidë e re institucionale për kishën vendore, sepse përmes shpërnguljeve individuale apo edhe ndonjëherë kolektive nga vendlindja në vendet e ndryshme, ishte nevojë dhe kërkesë e besimtarëve katolik të shqitparëve, sepse ata në vendet ku jetonin kishin nevojë të kenë edhe shërbimet fetare në gjuhën amtare.
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