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4.90 €

AUSTRO-UGARSKA RATNA DIPLOMACIJA I TALIJANSKO RATIŠTE

Author(s): Livia Kardum / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Field Marshal Svetozar Borojević was one of the commanders of the Isonzo front, which was crucial to the survival of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, albeit primarily for political rather than military reasons. At the beginning of the war, Austro-Hungarian territory inhabited by Slavs was subject to diplomatic disputes that assumed the character of a virtual bidding war, in which the members of the Triple Entente generously pledged the territory of their opponents to Italy which, after its initial neutrality, was thus enticed to join the war after the Treaty of London was signed. Given Italy’s military strength, this aroused moral condemnation rather than actual concern by the Austro-Hungarian political and military elite, and the Austro-Hungarian/Italian front on the Isonzo, or Soča, River served as an example of how the motivation of an army under arduous combat conditions, led by an exemplary commander and strategist, is a very vital factor in mounting a successful defence against a numerically superior enemy. It is paradoxical that it was precisely the success of the Austro-Hungarian Army on this front, which culminated in the Battle of Caporetto, one of the rare brilliant victories of the entire First World War, when Italian soldiers began to massively flee and desert to an extent unseen previously, also indirectly prevented the sole serious and promising Austro-Hungarian diplomatic attempt to withdraw from the war and save the majority of its own territory, which was initiated by the Emperor Charles himself. Secret negotiations between France and Great Britain broke down due to this largely Slavic region to which Italy aspired and which had been promised to it by the Treaty of London in 1915. The emperor could certainly not relinquish to Italy a territory that it was unable to conquer on its own despite the numerical superiority of its army, all the more so since the Italian military command secretly, without the knowledge of its own government or allies, initiated a peace offer to the Austro-Hungarian side. Svetozar Borojević also distinguished himself as a sound strategist at that trying moment when the Isonzo troops had to retreat not just because of the considerable military aid in men and arms that Italy received from its allies but also due to the complete internal disarray of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Even under these circumstances, when Borojević, loyal to the Monarchy to the end, had to withdraw his army, the Italians progressed very indecisively and slowly, even though they practically had no enemy army to confront. This is why the subsequent Italian annexation of these Slavic territories became a heavy political burden for the new Yugoslav state as well.

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KONTAKTI IZMEĐU FRANA BARCA I SVETOZARA BOROEVIĆA TIJEKOM PRVOG SVJETSKOG RATA

Author(s): Ivica Zvonar / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Utilizing unexplored archival sources, newspapers and existing scholarly literature, the author shows the contacts between Dr. Fran Barac and Svetozar Boroević during the First World War. Namely, Barac was politician who maintained good relations with political organizations Jugoslavenski odbor (Yugoslav Committee) and Srpski presbiro (Serbian Press-bureau) in Switzerland. Boroević was the famous Austro-Hungarian general. Their relationships were interesting. For example, Barac was the head of the University of Zagreb (1915/1916), when Boroević got an honorary doctorate. Also, Ivan Meštrović, Barac’s contemporary, mentioned their political negotiations, because there were any possibility that Boroević with his army joined to the Triple Entente.

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Stradanje stanovništva NDH u logorima – numeričko određenje

Author(s): Dragan Cvetković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

This work attempts to show the plight of the civilian population in the territory of the Independent State of Croatia in concentration camps on the basis of the partially revised list “Žrtve rata 1941-1945” (Victims of War, 1941- 1945) first published in 1964. On the basis of results obtained from a revision of the list according to current trends in the analysis of the data, the number of deaths that occurred in the camps is calculated somewhere between 173,800 and 184,800. An overview is made which analyzes the territorial origins of the victims, their year of death, the national structure (58.03% Serbs, 16.09% Jews, 12.83% Roma, 6.97% Croats, 0.95% Muslims, and 5.13% members of other or unknown origins), responsibility for deaths (the perpetrators of crimes – 85.25% Independent State of Croatia, 14.28% Germany, and 0.46% Italy), the sites where the most numerous executions were carried out are identified, and all of this is shown against the larger context of the general suffering that took place in the Independent State of Croatia and Yugoslavia.

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Proturječja u svezi s brojem žrtava fašističkog koncentracijskog logora na otoku Molatu

Author(s): Zlatko Begonja / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

At the time of the Second World War, Italian fascist military and civilian authorities carried out a thorough policy of Italianization in the occupied and annexed region of the eastern Adriatic. With the aim of a rapid realization of this goal, among other things, they created concentration camps for civilian internees in parts of Croatian Dalmatia. One of these camps was on the island of Molat in the Zadar Archipelago, through which by some accounts 10,000 individuals passed during the period of its existence from June 1942 to September 1943. But in this regard, what is uncertain and has been the subject of some controversy is the number of deaths that occurred at the camp. Namely, until now unsubstantiated claims of 1000 victims have been made, though recent research has only been able to establish less than 100 victims. Indeed the variance between real and fictitious death tolls at the camp in Molat is the reason why it was necessary to look at this issue in depth. The inflation of the number of victims, especially in postwar peacetime circumstances, until now as added to the difficulty in objectively assessing the real situation and directly functioned in creating an atmosphere of ideological-political commerce in victims due to so-called higher interests.

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Wehrmacht, NDH, evakuacija, deportacija i prisilni rad stanovništva u Dalmaciji tijekom 1944. godine

Author(s): Nikica Barić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In September of 1943 the Kingdom of Italy capitulated and German army entered Italian annexed parts of Dalmatia. The Independent State of Croatia (ISC) was able to return these areas under its control, after they were ceded to Italy in May of 1941. The German army still had to secure the coastal area from Tito’s partisans and possible landing of the Western Allies. In 1944 the Ger-mans prepared plans for the defense and fortification of the eastern Adriatic coast. One of the security measures of the German army was the evacuation of able bodied men from Dalmatian islands because they were considered to be possible hostile and prone to join the partisans and help the Western Allies in the case of their landing in that areas. The Germans evacuation of islands and some parts of the Dalmatian coast, as well as German use of local population for forced labor caused panic and scare among people. This put ISC authorities in a difficult situation - Germans were their allies and they depended on their support and presence of a German army. At the same time ISC representatives, especially those in Dalmatia understood that they need to win the hearts and minds of the population in that area, especially after the period of Italian presence and due to the fact that many Dalmatians joined Tito’s partisans. They realized that German repressive measures would disrupt such attempts and often protested against German evacuation and deportations of local population. But such protests were mostly disregarded by Germans who could impose their own decisions on the much weaker and sometimes powerless ISC authorities.

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Prinudni rad u Srbiji u Drugom svetskom ratu

Author(s): Dragan Aleksić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

One of the most acute problems of the war economy in National Socialist Germany was a lack of labour in industry and agriculture. Though Nazi planners through a series of legal measures paid close attention to a solution to this matter even prior to the outbreak of the war, it was reopened following the failure of the Wehrmacht on the Eastern Front. Taking workers out of factories and fields opened the question of labour supply in these areas vital to the war economy. Shortages in labour supply could only be made up by forced recruitment from occupied countries. Serbia was not an exception to this rule in occupied Europe. To achieve a more effective exploitation of labour supply, the Nazis introduced their own labour laws into occupied territory to drive production. Since they lacked adequate numbers of personnel in their occupation apparatus, they engaged the domestic administration to achieve the desired objectives. The population of Serbia was subjected to all the forms of forced labour which the Nazis applied to other occupied territories, from new labour laws to outright slave labour. The largest portion of forced labourers worked for German needs on the territory of Serbia itself, while the number of workers in Germany never exceeded 30,000-35,000 at one time. This represented less than half the number of workers that the occupation authorities planned to send to work outside of Serbia.

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Logori Križnoga puta u Hrvatskoj 1945.

Author(s): Martina Grahek Ravančić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In the last phases of the Second World War masses of people started to withdraw toward British positions in Carinthia. The majority of the refugees were captured before they crossed the Austrian border. A portion of those people that made it to Carinthia were handed over to the Yugoslavian Army by British forces. Their columns were turned back for the long march home, referred to as the “Death Marches” Passing through Slovenia these columns made it to Croatia. Behind them remained a large number of camps and mass graves. Using the extensive literature and available documents this article analyzes the camps formed on the march through Croatia (Mirkovci, Orosav-lje, Samobor, Jankomir, Kanal, Prečko, Maksimir, Karlovac, Čemernica, Sisak, Bjelovar, Lupoglav, “Danica” in Koprivnica, Osijek, Velika Pisanica, Krndija, Požega, Vinkovci). Numerous eye witness accounts tell of the daily experience of life in the camps – for the most part strict control of the camps, many citations, the sorting of inmates and the fear of being taken to the unknown, poor diet and unhygienic conditions, lack of medical supplies, and the general precariousness of one’s existence. Many available sources clearly demonstrate the strict control exercised by the newly established postwar regime over the territory of Croatia, or Yugoslavia.

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Mediji i činjenice – interpretacija događaja iz Domovinskoga rata

Author(s): Ante Nazor / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Many events that happened during the Homeland War were not correctly interpreted in the media. Author reveals three examples, in fact historiographical question, about which Croatian media discussed much during the last several years. The first is the question who was the first fallen Croatian defender; the second is the problem whether Serbs were expunged from the first Croatian Constitution; and the third topic was related to the, so called, artillery log books of the liberation operation Oluja (Storm). Namely, comparative analysis of the available primary sources and what was written and broadcasted in the Croatian media, reveals that some of journalists, and also some of historians, who dealt with these topics were deliberately not objective. Moreover, it seems that these problems were treated in sensationalistic manner, with tendency to misinform the public, which could lead to the incorrectly shaped public opinion and imposition of responsibility / guilt to the Croatian policy and Croatians in relation to some events from the recent history.

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“Watch out, UNPROFOR!” – some observations on criminal and unprofessional conduct of peacekeeping forces of United Nations in Croatia

Author(s): Ivica Miškulin / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In the paper, based on the available sources and contemporary periodical publications, the author analyzes different aspects of criminal and unprofessional conduct of members of United Nations (UN) peace troops in Croatia. It is determined how a whole sequence of factors affected such aspects of conduct of blue helmets: total problematic of the peacekeeping operation (with a special emphasis on its execution), particularities of areas of deployment (with a special emphasis on the material situation of occupied territories), level of equipment, training, and self-discipline of certain national contingents of peacekeeping forces, and possibilities of activity of UN and command of peacekeeping forces administrations. Chosen aspects of criminal and unprofessional conduct of members of peacekeeping forces of UN have been analyzed thematically, i.e. separated into separate entities.

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Istraživačke dopune o pobuni 5. prosinca 1918. godine

Author(s): Stjepan Matković / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Based on research conducted using previously unknown archival documents, the author examines the transition in Croatian history made by the fall of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The author pays the greatest attention to the mutiny of 5th December 1918 which still induce much discussion in the historiography. The number, significance and behaviour of the people who conspired against the new regime provide a good indication of how this event was used by pro-Yugoslav forces in Croatia for reckoning with the old structures in the Croatian army and opposition politicians who upheld the idea of republicanism. The biggest opposition parties – such as the Croat People Peasent Party and the Party of Right – openly called for peaceful solutions and tried to avoid any form of armed conflict. On the other hand, some officers and soldiers who served in the Croatian Home Guard units were not content with the new situation. They spontaneously decided to organize a public demonstration in the center of Zagreb which turned into a violent confrontation. This bloody event led to the dissolution of the old army units. However, the fallen of the 5th December 1918 uprising are remembered in Croatia as the first victims of resistence to the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.

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Zemaljska vlada za Dalmaciju (2. studenoga 1918.–20. siječnja 1919.)

Author(s): Zdravka Jelaska Marijan / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The Provincial Government for Dalmatia appointed the National Organization for Dalmatia in Split on 2 November 1918 on the order of the National Council of the Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs in Zagreb. Difficult postwar conditions presented it with a number of problems of which the most trying were shortages of supplies and hunger, the spread of communicable diseases, and Italian occupation of parts of the territory resulting in interrupted communication links with Zagreb and among towns in the region. Numerous problems, first and foremost the occupation of parts of its territory, drove the Territorial Government for Dalmatia to call the Serbian army to enter Dalmatia and forced the pace of the unification of the State of Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs with the Kingdom of Serbia (and the Kingdom of Montenegro). The Provincial Government for Dalmatia was dissolved on 20 January 1919 by decree of the Minister of Internal Affairs of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes as part of a wider process of administrative centralization in the new state.

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Politika zapadnih velesila prema južnim Slavenima 1918. i 1919. godine

Author(s): Andrej Rahten / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The disintegration of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in 1918 and the end of the First World War the political elites of the South Slav peoples awaited with fear for the loss of large portions of their ethnic territory, but also with the expectation that the western Great Powers would support their ambitions for statehood. The expectations arose mostly after the proclamation of American President Thomas Woodrow Wilson’s famed “Fourteen Points.” Above all, South Slav political elites in the Monarchy believed that Wilson’s notion of defense for the rights to people to self-determination would trump the Italian territorial demands based on the “London Agreement” of 1915. However, the attitude of the United States, Great Britain, and France at the peace conference in Paris (1919–1920) did not fulfill the expectations of Slovene and Croatian politicians. Wilson did, indeed, put pressure on the Italian delegation on the issue of territorial delimitation with the newly created South Slav state in Istria and Dalmatia, but without great success. With regard to the northern border of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, Wilson’s politics in fact contributed to the inclusion of a large portion of ethnic Slovene territory in Carinthia into the Republic of Austria. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes had more support from the western Great Powers in delimiting its border with Hungary and in other sectors. In its final phase the diplomacy of the western Great Powers was disappointing in the eyes of the South Slav political elite, established as it was on the territory of what was once the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. However, from the point of view of the Karađorđević state, the peace conference merely confirmed the trend toward realizing Greater Serbian territorial pretensions which, with the support of Great Britain and France, was begun during the Balkan wars in 1912 and 1913.

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Rušenje Austro-Ugarske Monarhije (1914.–1918.). Svjedočanstvo dr. Mate Drinkovića

Author(s): Ivica Zvonar / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In this article the author provides a short review of the political activities of a prominent member of the Croatian political elite, Dr. Mate Drinković, in the period from the eve of World War One to the end of 1918. A better understanding of his life and activities in this dynamic period is provided by an appendix which contains a transcription of an archival document written by Mate Drinković which is held in the diocesan archives of Đakovo, among the papers of Mons. Dr. Fran Barac. From this previously unpublished and until now unknown document something can be learned of Drinković’s activities during the war, especially at the end of 1917 and during 1918, on the eve of the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the creation of the new South Slavic state.

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Historiografija o padu Bosanskog Kraljevstva

Author(s): Emir O. Filipović / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The paper presents a short review of historiography examining the Ottoman conquest of the Bosnian Kingdom in 1463, with an emphasis on opinions and evaluations of historians from the Ragusan writers and chroniclers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries to the modern critical historiography. Since the gradual expansion of the Ottoman Empire in South-Eastern Europe may be viewed as a single process, some historians wanted to draw a parallel between the Bosnian case and the examples of other states that fell under the Ottoman rule during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Even though the grounds for these comparisons are understandable, it is very difficult to learn anything from them. Circumstances to which individual rulers and their states, from the Byzantine Empire, Bulgaria and Serbia to other smaller or larger principalities, were subjected were essentially different. In these comparisons historiography has given a negative evaluation of Bosnia’s struggle and its rulers. Someone had to be responsible for the fall of the Kingdom and the blame was almost exclusively assigned to the last two Bosnian kings. In line with the times in which they lived and contemporary historiographical trends, some historians attributed the quick fall of Bosnia to internal factors, such as conflicts within the state and the complex religious situation including the presence of heretics. The most commonly cited argument was the discord between the nobles and betrayal, even though the latter is mentioned in only one authentic contemporary diplomatic source. The work of these historians served as a basis for the myth of an easy and simple breakdown of the medieval Bosnian state in which the Bogomil betrayal played an important part. Contemporary critical historiography concluded that this myth was created by Bishop Nikola of Modruš, the papal legate in Bosnia, in order to justify his own wrong policy that hastened the unavoidable fall of the Kingdom. Only a small number of historians studying this topic looked at the broader picture and took external as well as internal factors under consideration. This is especially evident in older literature which, inspired by patriotism, ethical values and the concept of hero-ism, paints a more negative image of Bosnia’s fall. If we consider all the available sources, and critically analyze those of Roman and Hungarian origin, we gain the impression of a rapid surge of the Ottoman army into Bosnia, intense fighting under Bobovac and other Bosnian fortresses, strong resistance of the defenders, destruction and mass deportations of population, general panic and emigration towards the Adriatic and the islands.

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Pad Bosne 1463. prema osmanskim narativnim izvorima

Author(s): Dino Mujadžević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Ottoman narrative sources compose a significant but little explored collection of sources for the study of the fall of Bosnia in 1463. Most historians prefer Western narrative sources that are both more numerous and more accessible, while the Ottoman sources require rare linguistic skills. Ottoman narrative sources present two historical Ottoman traditions about the fall of Bosnia, both founded by individuals who witnessed this historical event and collected testimonies of other participants. The first tradition is represented by Tevārīh-i Āl-i Osmān (The history of the Ottoman dynasty) by the best known early Ottoman historian, Āšıqpāšāzāde. In the following centuries this tradition was regularly used as a source by later historians. Its main features include a simple style, occasionally reminiscent of the oral tradition; poor reliability; and a relatively small number of details. The second tradition is represented by Tarih-i Ebu-l-Feth (The history of the Mohammad the Conqueror) by Dursun-beg. Although this piece is clearly presented, fairly serious and reliable, and contains many interesting details, it had remained little used by later historians until the nineteenth century. Both of these treatises present the fall of Bosnia from the Ottoman state ideological and raison d’état perspective, and they both have as their goal the propaganda of the rising Ottoman Empire. By analyzing in detail these two sources, little known to wider Croatian historiographical circles, the author is attempting to provide a contribution towards better understanding of the history of Croatian and Bosnian territories as well as of the Ottoman Empire.

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Kraj srednjovjekovnog Bosanskog Kraljevstva u dubrovačkim izvorima

Author(s): Zdenka Janeković Römer / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The value of Dubrovnik reports about the fall of the Bosnian Kingdom and death of King Stjepan Tomašević for the most part lies in that they record the sources and respond to them from immediate vicinity. Records of Dubrovnik councils and especially of the Senate (Consilium Rogatorum) focus, for the most part, on preparations for defense, lively diplomatic activity and aspiration to achieve a neutral position. To a smaller extent these records contain information on circumstances in Bosnia, response of the Bosnian nobility, attempts of the Bosnian king Stjepan Tomašević to organize defence and his quest to gain support of the Hungarian king, Venetians, Skenderbeg and Pope. While Dubrovnik archival documents comprise no direct information about the fall of Bosnia, they provide rich data about the rescuing of the queens Katarina and Mara as well as Bosnian nobility in the Dubrovnik region. In addition to historical data, Dubrovnik chronicles (Anonim, Nikola Ragnina, Tuberon, Razzi, Orbini, Luccari and Gundula) contain commentaries that justify the position of Dubrovnik at the moment of abrupt change in the long-standing relationship with Bosnia. The chroniclers’ opinions diverge but some of their conclusions are shared: they see the cause of the fall of Bosnia in the disproportionate size of the opposing sides, the failure of the Hungarian king and other Christian rulers to provide assistance and discordance among Bosnian nobles arising, for the most part, in religious disagreements. Turkish conquest of Bosnia radically changed the relationship between the Ottoman Empire and Republic of Dubrovnik. Yet the conditions soon found balance and tensions, conflict and crises notwithstanding, a mode of coexistence was established. Dubrovnik was directly exposed to danger, situated at the very border of the Ottoman Empire, lacking military and naval force to resist Ottoman might and dependent on the freedom of trade. In such a situation it had to lead conciliatory politics. By recognizing the new rule, Dubrovnik retained a continuity of contact with the Bosnian space in which much changed but much remained the same. Old economic and human relations lived on in the new political framework.

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The Political Background in Hungary of the Campaign of Jajce in 1463

Author(s): Tamás Pálosfalvy / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Following the 1458 accession of the young Matthias Hunyady (Corvinus) to the throne of Hungary-Croatia, the Hungarian public opinion as well as the papacy expected from the king to continue an active anti-Ottoman politics. Yet he had not been coronated and his position was threatened for several reasons. A number of leading barons turned against him in the early 1459 while the Ottoman pressure, culminating in the occupation of Serbia, continued to rise. The success of his Jajce campaign thus represented the first turning point in the reign of Matthias Corvinus. The unsuccessful siege of Zvornik that followed must have convinced the king to question the wisdom of continuing traditional offensive warfare against the Ottomans. This essay examines political-military processes that resulted in the Jajce campaign, Matthias’s plans in Bosnia after the fall of Serbia, political problems after 1459 as well as the slow consolidation of the king’s position that eventually made possible active intervention in Bosnia.

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The Castle of Jajce in the Organization of the Hungarian Border Defence System under Matthias Corvinus’s

Author(s): Richárd Horváth / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This essay explores the history of the castle and Banate of Jajce between 1463 and 1490. Following the fall of Serbia in 1459, Bosnia had become the main target of the Ottoman expansion and, in spring 1463, was occupied by the army of the Mohammed the Conqueror. Kingdom of Hungary-Croatia responded with a counter-attack in the autumn and winter of 1463, in the course of which the army of King Matthias Corvinus captured the castle of Jajce and some other nearby fortifications. The possession of these forts allowed defence from new Ottoman attacks in the following years. Thus the foundations of a new military-administrative unit in the southern part of the Hungarian defence system were laid. The goal of this essay is to discuss the way in which King Matthias organized this area. Particular attention is paid to the administration of Bosnia, from the temporary authority of Ban of Slavonia and real King of Bosnia, Nikola Iločki (1471-1477) to the plans related to Duke Ivaniš Corvinus and finally for Banate of Bosnia/Jajce, in existence until 1527. The essay traces chronologically different forms of the administration. It attempts to follow royal efforts to organize this region in the best possible manner, by bringing it together with extant centres of defence system such as Banate of Slavonia, County of Temes and Principality of Transylvania.

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Bosanska vlastela u oslobađanju Jajca od Turaka 1463. godine

Author(s): Đuro Tošić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In the last months of 1463, the Hungarian king Matthias Corvinus decided to wrest Bosnia away from the Ottomans. Having crossed the river Sava, he arrived in the vicinity of Jajce, capital of the Bosnian Kingdom and one of the largest forts of the medieval Bosnia. Assisted by the local population, the king and his army occupied the city that for two months had been defended by Turkish forces headed by Jusuf Harambeg. In the meantime, King Matthias’s forces had been strengthened by financial and military contributions of the prominent Bosnian noblemen: Herceg Stefan Vukčić Kosača and his son Vladislav, Radič Banović with his brother Vučihna and nephew Ivan, and Ivan, son of the late Pavao Čubretić from Vrlika. Their help was rewarded with feudal estates in western Bosnia, Hungary and the parish of Vrlika. Thus, with great efforts and against major difficulties, in mid-December 1463 Matthias Corvinus succeeded in occupying the strongly defended fortress of Jajce. Soon afterwards the Hungarian king occupied the fort of Zvečaj and then (according to a letter to the Pope Pius II) another 60 Bosnian forts—though the latter number is most likely exaggerated. Yet his achievements not-withstanding, the cold winter forced the Hungarian to leave Bosnia and return to Hungary. He left the rule over the newly created Banate of Jajce to his loyal commander Emeric Zápolya. In February 1464, King Matthias reached Buda with 400 captured Turks and was crowned with the Crown of St Stephen, which had been returned to him in accordance with the contract with the German emperor.

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Sudbina posmrtnih ostataka kralja Stjepana Tomaševića 1463. – 1888. – 1992. – 1999.

Author(s): Jakša Raguž / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In the course of his lifetime, King Stjepan Tomašević was frequently nothing but a object in political conflicts within and around medieval Bosnia. For this reason his (alleged) posthumous remains became an instrument in political clashes in modern Bosnia and Herzegovina. The exhumation in 1888 was conducted to prove symbolically the continuity of the rule of Roman Catholic monarchs in Bosnia and Herzegovina: the Habsburgs followed the Kotromanićs. In the latest war of 1991-1995, royal remains became an important symbol used and appropriated by the warring sides. Towards the end of the war the skeleton became a motive in serious political and diplomatic conflicts between Croats and Bosniaks that continued into the peacetime. Today the king’s remains continue to provoke occasional fervent polemics between Croats and Bosniaks concerning the ethnic affiliation of the late king, and the related origins of the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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