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Athens in the classical period of Hellenic history was by far the most developed city of Helena, and its democratic system of making important decisions in the Assembly as well as their implementation, was a role model not only in the Hellenic world. Aristotle does not follow his teacher Plato nor Xenophon who do not discern difference between the system of government in the household and the polis. Polis is the community of equal people where relationships create free citizens who are also representatives of their own households, families or the territorial units (topics). Aristotle in the Rhetoric shares laws into general (natural) and specific, those which individual nations defined to themselves and for themselves which could be written and unwritten. Constitution of Athens is the only surviving piece of the rich Hellenic and legal history. In the following lines we will try to explain what this work contains and why it is important even nowadays after two and a half millennia.
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Jérome Bruner vo svojej eseji o kultúre vzdelávania upozornil, že: „cieľom výučby dejepisu je pomáhať žiakom vytvárať významy, nie riadiť učenie len na zapamätanie významov.“ Jadro jeho myšlienky nielen pamätať, ale aj vytvárať významy upriamuje našu pozornosť na isté znaky tradície. Práve tie, okrem iných, ovplyvňujú nielen charakter či špecifiká historického poznávania v edukačnom prostredí, ale i intenzívnejšie prebiehajúci slovensko-maďarský historicko-didaktický dialóg o tvorbe národných či spoločných učebníc dejepisu.
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Vobdobí vzniku Československej republiky (ČSR) sa školstvo na Slovensku, ktoré tvorí základ každej národnej kultúry, nachádzalo v katastrofálnom stave, čo bolo dôsledkom dlhodobého pôsobenia uhorskej štátnej politiky voči nemaďarským národom Uhorska a vojnovej vyčerpanosti spoločnosti. Prechodom frontu na východe Slovenska a tiež rabovaním po skončení vojny boli mnohé školské budovy poškodené a ich mobiliár zničený. Vládne miesta mladého štátu si uvedomovali zložitosť situácie a problémom školstva a vzdelávania venovali zvýšenú pozornosť. Centrálnym orgánom riadenia školstva sa stalo Ministerstvo školstva a národnej osvety (MŠANO) so sídlom v Prahe. Školstvo spravoval v slovenskej dočasnej vláde od novembra 1918 Anton Štefánek, ktorý sa stal o niekoľko mesiacov neskôr referentom pre oblasť školstva Ministerstva s plnou mocou pre správu Slovenska spravovaného Vavrom Šrobárom. Od roku 1919 pod jeho vedením pracoval Referát MŠANO pre Slovensko so sídlom v Bratislave.
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The purpose of this study is to examine the political career of Edvard Kocbek (1904–1981), the internationally recognised Slovene writer, poet, Christian Socialist thinker and politician. Kocbek became well known in 1937, after publishing a long article about the Spanish Civil War, in which he raised his voice against the fact that the main Slovenian party and the Church leadership supported Francisco Franco. In World War II he and his Christian Socialists cooperated with the communists in the Liberation Front and Kocbek has received high ranking positions after the war, but as a Christian, he had no place in the new regime and was forced to resigne. After a decade, he could publish his literary works again. In the afternoon of his life, he raised a particularly unpleasant question for the regime regarding the massacres committed by the Yugoslav Communists after World War II, which was a taboo subject till then.
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Hantos’ ideas contained progressive elements and made a realistic of-fer to the states of Central Europe. Its timing was unfortunate, however, because the new nation states’ desire for separation made its realization more difficult. Also, Germany’s breakthrough, and its new network of bi-lateral economic relations made virtually impossible the alliance of the Central European countries. Other attempts at integration have emerged too which also weakened the process. Hantos’ recognition, and offer of freedom from old grudges was a viable alternative to the weary nations of Central Europe. Elemér Hantos was a precursor of the spirit seeking the possible ways of coexistence, and no longer just for Central Europe, but for the whole of Europe: to emphasize what unites us, not what separates us.
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Georgi Dimitrov (1882–1949) Bulgarian communist leader, head of state after 1945. His international recognition was acquired in 1933, follo-wing the German Reichstag–fire trial in Leipzig, where he was acquitted of Hitler's judges, accused by Herman Göring and Joseph Goebbels. He moved then to Moscow, where he became secretary general of the Communist International, wich controlled of the communist parties aro-und the world. He had a role in the elaboration of the popular front policy - successful in France and Spain. At the same time he had to suffer of Sta-lin's dictatorship, he had to experience the execution of. After 1945, with the Yugoslavian Joszip Broz Tito, many of his associates they saw the op-portunity in the Balkan Federation to loosening the dependence on Sta-lin. What Tito did, he did not succeed: the presence of Soviet troops in Bulgaria had decided the outcome.
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This paper focuses on a person being both a scientist and a politician who played a key role in socialist Hungary in the initiation of the opening towards the West. Ferenc Erdei (1910–1971) started his career as a soci-ologist in the early 1930s and was mainly involved in politics after 1945. Following the revolution in 1956, he drew back from his active political role. He established the Research Institute of Agricultural Economics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences which became the the most import-ant background institution of the Agrarian Lobby. My paper argues that the experience Erdei gained from his study trips in Western Europe in the 1930s served later as a basis for the „bridge-building” between the socialist East and the capitalist West. In my paper I investigate which western countries Erdei launched the opening towards and through which channels he started to build a network as well as the political and professional debates that followed this process.
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Life, later destiny, political and public work of Dr. Ágost Benárd, minister of welfare and labor and Alfréd Drasche–Lázár, extraordinary ambassa-dor and authorized minister, who were the signatories of the Peace Trea-ty of Trianon, on 4th June 1920 were beyond the scope of examination of the researchers and historians in the recent time. Present study is aiming to fill this gap, with presenting the two signatories’ political and public ca-reer. It covers their education, role in the First World War and their work between the two wars. It definitely refutes the allegations that Dr. Ágos Benárd and Alfréd Drasche–Lázár were weightless politicians who were willing to leave politics and who were voluntarily signatories of the peace treaty. By contrast, the study describes both politicians’ work after the signing of the peace treaty, and proves with persuasive arguments that they were two honest gentlemen, who were suffering of and said to be victims of the events, they were the formers of the 20th Century Central Europe.
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Gömbös Gyula (1886‒1936) prime minister of Hungary (1932‒1936) started his political carreer after the defeat of Hungary in the First World War as a well-trained and talented officer. On the basis of his radical views influenced by different effects and because of his policy as head of government many people considered him that he took over mainly Mus-solini’s and partly Hitler’s views and political practice and his thinking and discussing politics were characterized by these facts. This study analyses the strong similarities and the important differences among the ment-ioned three politicians in the area of the ideology and the exercise of po-wer. The differences in the internal conditions of the three countries and among the characters of the three politicians explain the said similitudes and the differences. According to the author it can be prouved that Gömbös tried to creat a system (diktatorship) that (1) is similar to the fas-cism and the national socialism; (2) it’s not a copy (except the unsuccesful trial of the acceptance of the Italian coorporate system), but it’s about be-ing in similar societies the politicians give similar answers to the challenges.
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