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У Крагујевцу 22. Јануара; ПИТАЊА; Како се подиже пољоделство; Са велике школе; ДОПИСИ; Београд, 18. Јануар; У Књажевцу, 11. 1874. год.; Копривница, 15. Јануара; Јавна благодарност; Јавна коресподенција; Књижевни Огласи; ОГЛАСИ;
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Крагујевац 10. Фебруара; Са велике школе; Из записника Небојше; Народној скупштини: Штудије о стању пољске привреде у Србији; Предлог за нов грађански поступак у округу (кантону) циришком; Спољна политика немачка; ДОПИСИ; Крагујевачка новост; Мојим ђацима у крагујевачкој гимназији; Књижевна вест; ОГЛАСИ; ФАБРИКА ШЕШИРА КОД ЗЛАТНОГ ЧИЛИНДЕРА на бившој Стамбол-капији;
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Слободна штампа и народна скупштина; Штудије о стању пољске привреде у Србији; ДОПИСИ; Јевропска дипломација и афера босанска; Београд 27. Фебруара; Баградан 15. Фебруара; РАЗЛИЧНОСТИ; ОГЛАСИ; На знање;
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Крагујевац, 7. Марта; Штудије о стању пољске привреде у Србији; Најновији научни предлог; ДОПИСИ; Јевропска дипломација и афера босанска; РАЗЛИЧНОСТИ; Уредништву ''Јавности''; ПРИПОСЛАНО; ОГЛАСИ; На знање;
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Штудије о стању пољске привреде у Србији; Земљедерско-шумарска школа у Пожаревцу; ДОПИСИ; Београд 28. Фебурара; Јагодина 6. Марта; Пожаревац 24. Фебурара; РАЗЛИЧНОСТИ; ОГЛАСИ; На знање;
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''Завере око ''Јавности'' ''; Спаситељ друштвеног поретка; Штудије о стању пољске привреде у Србији; Земљеделско-шумарска школа у Пожаревцу; ДОПИСИ; Опет спаситељ друштвеног поретка; Јавна благодарност; Ценовник; Књижевни Оглас; ОГЛАСИ;
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СУД И ПРАВДА; Како је у народу око Космаја?; Нешто о моралном образовању; ДОПИСИ; ЈАВНИ ПРЕТРЕС ЖИВКА ЧУКИЋА; Јавна преписка; Јавна благодарност; РАЗЛИЧНОСТИ;
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СУД И ПРАВДА; ДОПИСИ из Јасенице; Нешто о моралном образовању; Непознатзм долиснику страних новина;
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Bulgarian historiography is decisive that before 1944 there was no Macedonian national feeling and that 99% of the Orthodox population on the territory of geographical Macedonia felt like Bulgarian. Given that Bulgaria has much more state experience than Macedonia and given that I highly value their science, I would like to believe in this. But every time I follow this logic, I come across the fact that my great-grandmother was called Makedonka or Donka, and she was born and baptized around 1910. So, the question arises: if there were no Macedonians and a sense of belonging, why would some of my great-grandparents baptize their daughter- Makedonka in the period of Turkish slavery?
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Even though Democratic Party Kosovo (PDK) did start election campaign, long before official time, impression was that somehow it would get over without any further problems. But, only after couple of days, when the election campaign began, particularly from (PDK) campaign language of communication started to get ugly, especially the one against Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK). PDK with its unexpected attacks, with its strong language of communication, exceeded unusually, red line, of tolerance and calmness, which is well known standard of political communication in Kosovo.
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Already in mid 1990s the diplomats of the independent state of Slovenia undertook the activities aimed at professionalization of Slovenian diplomacy. After the consultation with the then President of the National Assembly Janez Podobnik, a number of professional diplomats assumed the leading positions in Slovenian embassies. However, that was only the beginning of long-lasting efforts. Slovenian diplomacy and even its highest positions were still staffed by people coming from the fields that were not much related to diplomacy, and they were often appointed for only one term of office. There have been about 70 such members of embassy staff appointed for only one term of office who then quit this profession, which is a very high number for Slovenia. Career diplomats were justifiably dissatisfied with the situation. Eventually, the law was amended last year to stipulate that the ambassador may only be a person who is a diplomat, which means that he/she has to be employed at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and have at least seven years of practical experience at that Ministry.
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The US Vice President Joseph Biden’s visit to Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Kosovo from 19 to 21 May 2009 is an expression of the restored interest of the new US Administration in the Balkans and Bosnia and Herzegovina as the central country in the region. It also represents the end of the “Dayton phase” of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the beginning of the new phase of upgrading the Dayton Agreement or entering into a new agreement for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Dayton Agreement should not be regarded or understood outside the context of other diplomatic efforts for the region carried out during the same period. The “Z4” Plan was marked by the cooperation of four ambassadors – of the US, Russia, Britain and the EU – and envisaged the division of Croatia into several enclaves whereby about one fourth of the territory would belong to the so called Serbian enclaves. However, the plan failed since the Croatian authorities feared the consequences of its implementation and therefore prevented its realisation with the military operations called “Flash” and “Storm”, carried out with the material support of the USA. That was possible since Croatia was in a much better position than Bosnia and Herzegovina at that point in time.
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At the start I would like to express welcome to all of our esteemed guests both domestic and coming from abroad. I would especially like to thank Mr. Krizanovic, who will be officially opening this seminar, His Excellency Ambassador Beecroft, Head of the OSCE Mission, Mr. George Katsirdakis, also well known to all of us, a distinguished personality who I may so is a person that is of the most significance at this moment in relation to the Partnership for Peace (PfP). I will not be too long and take too much of your time, but allow me to perhaps clarify why are we organizing this seminar. You know that the Presidency of BiH has expressed its wish by sending a Letter of Intention, in which it is stated that Bosnia and Herzegovina would like to join the PfP – with Yugoslavia we are the only country that is not a member of this organization. Since parliamentarians should also be informed about the responsibilities once the country has entered the PfP, in the overall process and procedure and what the PfP itself means, then I must say that I am very happy being the Director of the CSS, to see such a great response as well as seeing that we are joined by such distinguished speakers. I am also certain that after their presentations many more things will be clear. I also did not know that there are quite frequent misinterpretations due to the lack of information, and we also know that to BiH we have invited these distinguished speakers who are experts in this subject matter, and who will join and support us. The orientation of armed forces before 1991 was towards a collective enemy; however, today we speak more about threats and risks. The events of the 90s changed the perceptions of security and armed forces. Armed forces lost their territorial orientation, and the question of security was no longer restricted to borders. The defence military strategy was given up in place of an active security policy. This has also meant that in place of numerousness, the impetus has been passed to concentrate on flexibility, mobility and rapid reaction. Indeed, this has been the trend in Western Europe, where in 1989 the Dutch army had personnel number of 100,000 and today this had been reduced to 60,000; the same is with the German army where in 1989 they had 470,000 and today that figure is 282,000. The current situation of the BiH armed forces is that they are founded according to a definition directed towards each other entity. In this manner they currently justify their own existence. Consequently, the nature of change of the armed forces is systemic, really existential.
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His Excellency Mr. Golob, Distinguished Ambassadors, Ladies and Gentlemen, it is with great pleasure that I welcome you to this seminar in Portoroz, Slovenia. Before proceeding, I wish to thank the Government of Slovenia for graciously allowing us to hold our seminar in beautiful Portoroz. Why this seminar? Why this topic? And. Why now? Perhaps those questions have crossed your mind as you received your invitation to participate in this seminar. “Why this seminar”. To answer this question I will briefly recall some events over the past few years that have led us to Portoroz today. The Agreement for Confidence – and Security Building Measures in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Article II, Annex 1b, Dayton Peace Accords) contains one particular provision for “voluntary measures”. Under the auspices of this provision we have, over the past few years, conducted numerous seminars on topics such as “Democratic Control of the Armed Forces”, “Military Support to Civilians in Cases of Man-Made or Natural Disaster”. In particular, the seminar on Democratic Control spawned a whole series of initiatives involving NATO and OHR, as well as a number of bilateral initiatives, most notably with Switzerland and Sweden which focussed on members of the BiH government and senior military officials. In tandem with these initiatives, my office, with the gracious help of a number of OSCE countries, has sponsored Code of Conduct seminars targeting junior and mid-level officers. These seminars are an introduction into the OSCE as a body and the Code of Conduct measures adopted by the OSCE. In addition to these efforts, and still under the auspices of the Article II Agreement, the members of the Joint Consultative Commission, the body that oversees implementation of the Agreement on Confidence – and Security-Building Measures in Bosnia and Herzegovina agreed that in the interest of greater confidence and transparency they would allow a team of international auditors to conduct an audit of their respective military budgets. The aim, of course, was to show that the budgets could no longer sustain the relatively large military forces maintained in Republika Srpska and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This audit process was hugely successful and evolved into a mammoth initiative that was given to Ambassador Beecroft and his staff. Arguably, it was this initial audit decision that has subsequently led to the tremendous restructuring and demobilization process that is on-going. This is of course a painful process but a necessary one that will lead to a military structure more compatible with actual defense and security needs and will move Bosnia and Herzegovina one step closer to European integration.
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The survey of the perceptions and attitudes of the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) towards terrorism and the roles of international security organisations (NATO, SFOR) comparatively encompassed subjects from the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (FBiH) and the Republika Srpska (RS). Due to the content of the research only male subjects have been included, which we selected by a systematic, stratification sample, dependent upon telephone number in each individual canton. The control of the accuracy of the samples and the analysis of the results afterwards was conducted according to the variables of age, work experience and nationality. Besides this, we conducted focus groups that involved interviewing journalists, officers, professors, faculty assistants and students. The commentary and content of the discussion made possible a qualitative approach in the investigation. The most important findings of this investigatory research are: 1. Subjects from the FBiH and the RS are not differentiated by any statistical significance in the perceptions and evaluations that there is no serious threat from foreign terrorism in BiH, and that it is only possible to speak about internal terrorism towards returnees; 2. Anxiety from terrorism for the majority of the subjects from the older generation has not grown after 11 September 2001. Only within the group of younger subjects from the ages of 18 - 30 has this perception more significantly increased. However, the data from the focus group is interesting, which points towards the significance of the presence of negative perceptions towards the manner in which the US is leading the anti-terrorist campaign and the war against terrorism in Afghanistan; 3. Attitudes towards the accession to the European Union (EU) and the NATO Alliance are expressly positive between subjects in the FBiH, but that picture is diametrically reversed by the opinion in the RS, especially in view of the expressed negative position concerning the accession of BiH to NATO; 4. Confidence in international security institutions has an identical direction and relationship between the citizens of the FBiH and RS. Namely, the citizens of the FBiH have a highlevel of confidence in NATO, SFOR and the Hague Tribunal, while the citizens of the RS have little or no confidence in the Hague Tribunal; consequently, it is possible to speak about "group blindness" for the arguments and evidence concerning war crimes. 5. The attitude towards the downsizing of the military was positively polled by 80% of the subjects in the FBiH and 64% of the subjects in the RS, which is a statistically significant difference. However, the real gulf in attitudes of the citizens of the FBiH and RS is reflected in the level of support for a Joint Military Command, which has the support of 93% of the population of the FBiH and only 33% of the population of the RS.
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His Excellency Mr. Golob, Distinguished Ambassadors, Ladies and Gentlemen, it is with great pleasure that I welcome you to this seminar in Portoroz, Slovenia. Before proceeding, I wish to thank the Government of Slovenia for graciously allowing us to hold our seminar in beautiful Portoroz. Why this seminar? Why this topic? And. Why now? Perhaps those questions have crossed your mind as you received your invitation to participate in this seminar. “Why this seminar”. To answer this question I will briefly recall some events over the past few years that have led us to Portoroz today. The Agreement for Confidence – and Security Building Measures in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Article II, Annex 1b, Dayton Peace Accords) contains one particular provision for “voluntary measures”. Under the auspices of this provision we have, over the past few years, conducted numerous seminars on topics such as “Democratic Control of the Armed Forces”, “Military Support to Civilians in Cases of Man-Made or Natural Disaster”. In particular, the seminar on Democratic Control spawned a whole series of initiatives involving NATO and OHR, as well as a number of bilateral initiatives, most notably with Switzerland and Sweden which focussed on members of the BiH government and senior military officials. In tandem with these initiatives, my office, with the gracious help of a number of OSCE countries, has sponsored Code of Conduct seminars targeting junior and mid-level officers. These seminars are an introduction into the OSCE as a body and the Code of Conduct measures adopted by the OSCE.
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Survey results - Dialogue on the Constitution of BiH
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Dejtonskim ustrojstvom BiH od 1995. godine do donošenja Zakona o ministarstvima i drugim tijelima uprave u Bosni i Hercegovini, civilna zaštita je bila organizirana na nivou entiteta, a potom i na nivou Brčko Distrikta. Prvi elementi državne strukture i upravljanja sa državnog nivoa pojavili su se uspostavom Ministarstva sigurnosti Bosne i Hercegovine 2003. godine, tj. njegove organizacijske jedinice (Odsjeka, a nakon nekog vremena Sektora za civilnu zaštitu), odnosno sadašnjeg Sektora za zaštitu i spašavanje. Oblast civilne zaštite u Federaciji BiH regulisana je Ustavom Federacije BiH kao i donesenim ostalim potrebnim propisima, koji su objavljeni u Zbirci propisa početkom 2007. godine. Paralelno sa ovim propisima usvojeni su i ostali zakoni u drugim oblastima zaštite i spašavanja poput Zakona o zaštiti i spašavanju ljudi i materijalnih dobara od prirodnih i drugih nesreća u Federaciji BiH. 2 U Republici Srpskoj, uz Ustav Republike Srpske, usvojeni su i Zakon o civilnoj zaštiti,3 kao i 13 zakona iz različitih oblasti. Oblast civilne zaštite u Brčko Distriktu regulisan je Statutom Brčko Distrikta BiH, uz 8 dodatnih zakona (npr. o zdravstvenoj zaštiti, životnoj sredini, zaštiti prirode, vode, zraka i dr.). Bitno je napomenuti da Brčko Distrikt nema poseban zakon o zaštiti i spašavanju, odnosno civilnoj zaštiti. Tačnije, procedura njegove izrade je u toku. Međutim, treba istaći da su donešeni pojedinačni pravni akti, kao ad hoc rješenja za organizacijska pitanja civilne zaštite i oni će ostati da važe sve do donošenja zakona. U aprilu i maju 2008. godine, oba Doma Parlamentarne skupštine donijela su Okvirni zakon o zaštiti i spašavanju ljudi i materijalnih dobara od prirodnih i drugih nesreća u Bosni i Hercegovini4 koji je stupio na snagu 1.7.2008. godine. Zakonom se propisuje da se sistem zaštite i spašavanja ljudi i materijalnih dobara od prirodnih ili drugih nesreća u entitetima i Brčko distriktu uređuje entitetskim zakonima i zakonom Brčko distrikta uz obavezu usklađivanja sa odredbama Okvirnog zakona. Ovaj zakon također utvrđuje da upravne i stručno-operativne poslove zaštite i spašavanja u entitetima i Brčko distriktu obavljaju nadležne institucije, organi uprave entiteta i Brčko Distrikta.
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Velike sile su pokazale izuzetnu zabrinutost zbog pojave novih prijetnji međunarodnom poretku – failed states (“propalih država”). Iako se prvi put spominje krajem devedesetih godina prošlog stoljeća u Americi, koncept se nakon 11. septembra 2001. godine intenzivnije počeo primjenjivati prvenstveno na države poput Iraka ili Afganistana. Nedugo zatim, pokazao se upotrebljivim za vršenje političkih i akademskih analiza drugih država poput Bosne i Hercegovine, jer nemogućnost država da ispune minimalne kriterije za njihovo funkcioniranje postaje problem ne samo za specifičnu državu, već i za cijeli regione, a često i za međunarodni poredak. Bosna i Hercegovina je, prema Failed state indeksu koji Foreign Policy magazin objavljuje kao rezultat istraživanja od 2005. godine, “propala država” koja je u posljednjih pet godina napravila neznatan napredak, te se smatra državom koja se nalazi u opasnosti od potpune “propasti”. S druge strane, perspektiva Bosne i Hercegovine za integraciju u euro-atlanske institucije postala je (deklarativno) centralni faktor utjecaja na zvanične politike od 2000. godine. Na tom putu, u procesu integracija, Bosna i Herecegovina je trebala da osmisli i primjeni nove strategije i politike kako bi postala funkcionalna i samoodrživa jer, kao jedina u regionu je pod međunarodnom protekcijom, dok su zemlje regiona “prepuštene same sebi” u tim procesima. Ipak, kao slaba država, Bosna i Hercegovina nije napravila veliki progres na putu integracija, ali nije jedina koju bi trebalo kriviti za to što je postala primjer neuspješnog “projekta”. Međunarodna intervencija jeste pomogla da se zaustavi rat, ali je međunarodna zajednica već tada trebala da osigura jasniju perspektivu za BiH što bi do danas produbilo i ojačalo veze sa Evropskom Unijom i NATO savezom.
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