U senci gvozdene zavese.

Author(s): Sanja Petrović Todosijević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The policy of the Yugoslav state toward the International Children’s Fund in the period following the end of World War II reflects the international position of the socialist Yugoslavia which was considered, until the summer of 1948, a territory under pronounced Soviet sphere of influence. In keeping with the policy of Western powers and the United States, after the conflict with the „big” Soviet leader it acquired a status of a country which should at least be „kept afloat”. By the summer of 1950 Yugoslavia became a privileged benefi ciary of UNICEF programmes. As the only Eastern bloc country which managed to oppose Soviet infl uence and tried to build what was often referred to as „its own road to socialism”, Yugoslavia became strategically an extremely important partner to Western democracies. The work of the UNICEF Mission’s Office in Belgrade, particularly the activities of its foreign members, were under close scrutiny of the community traditionally sceptical of anything and anyone coming from abroad or more precisely from the West. They were also closely watched by police bodies of the new Yugoslav authorities which did not want to take any chances. The need to protect and defend the established order, particularly after the split with the USSR in the summer of 1948, often turned into paranoia. Field work was an additional challenge for the Yugoslav police. Restricted in movement, access to information and institutions through which UNICEF programmes have been carried out, the officials of the Fund Mission temporarily on assignment in Yugoslavia have been facing challenges of development of the new state and order in socialism. Promotion of UNICEF activities in FPRY was in direct correlation with Yugoslavia’s foreign-policy orientation between 1947 and 1954.

Jugoslavija i Azija (1947–1953)

Author(s): Jovan Čavoški / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The aim of this paper is to present the evolution of early relations between Yugoslavia and the major states in East, South and Southeast Asia, implying primarily China, India and Burma, using archive materials from the main domestic archives and, for the first time, recently declassifi ed sources of the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the PR of China. The timeframe of the paper encompasses the period between 1947 and establishment of diplomatic relations with the Republic of China, which can be considered the first serious contact of Yugoslav diplomacy with the main Asian states, and 1954, which was crowned by extremely successful visit of Josip Broz Tito to India and Burma, as well as establishment of formal diplomatic relations with the PR of China in January 1955. Monitoring the activity of Yugoslav diplomacy through three main stages (revolutionary, observational and active), this paper provides a detailed analysis of bilateral relations of the socialist Yugoslavia with the mentioned three Asian states. In fact, analyzing all the details of ideological and political relations that were developing with Asian partners in all fields, or were limited by certain external factors (adverse influence of the Soviet-Yugoslav conflict on Chinese-Yugoslav relations), we can clearly review all the details which contributed that Yugoslavia and its leadership choose the mentioned countries as the main partners in their strategic choice of the course toward the non-engagement and peaceful coexistence policy.

1968. година – повратна за Източна Европа

Author(s): Iskra Baeva / Language(s): Russian Publication Year: 0

The year 1968 was one of crisis, both for Eastern and Western Europe. There was a similarity in student-riots (in France, Germany, Poland, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia), but mutual differences were much greater. An attempt at revamping the social system which had been established after WWII under Soviet influence was made in Eastern Europe in 1968. The new leadership of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, headed by Alexander Dubček undertook a reform with the goal of making the state socialism more democratic, in order to weld social security with human rights („socialism with human face”). In connection with reforms in the neighboring Czechoslovakia, Polish students stood up to protect intellectual freedoms. However, the government managed to stir up anti-intellectual and anti-Semitic sentiments and supress the dissatisfaction. Władisłav Gomułka came out against reforms. The changes in Czechoslovakia – abolition of censorship, preparation of the Action program with the aim of making socialism more democratic, economic reforms of Oto Šik – led to troubles in the relations between the countries of the Eastern Bloc. At meetings in Dresden (March 23), Moscow (May 8) and Warsaw (July 14–15), the leaders of the Warsaw-Pact countries increasingly criticized Czechoslovak reforms and demanded increasingly more determined that they be rescinded. Finally the danger of a reformist spill-over led to the decision to intervene militarily in Czechoslovakia on August 21, 1968. The military intervention changed the relations in Eastern Europe. Yu goslavia and Romania felt endangered and they reacted sharply. The suppression of the ”Prague Spring of ‘68” influenced mostly the attitudes of Eastern Europeans. They realized the preservation of the system and power was more important in the Eastern Bloc than the interests of the society.

Југославија и блискоисточна криза 1967–1968. године

Author(s): Aleksandar Životić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The crisis in the Middle East in 1967 left extremely durable marks not only on the relations in the Middle East, but also on global international relations. The vehemence of the conflict between Israel and the Arab nations caused the reaction not only of the countries from the region and both super-powers, but also of other major powers and smaller countries, particularly the non-aligned ones. As a non-aligned country with a tradition of very close ties with Arab countries, Yugoslavia took an active part in the events caused by the brief Third Israeli-Arab war in which the armies of the Arab nations had been routed. Ever since the crisis started, the Yugoslav administration reacted swiftly, participating in a number of actions aimed at helping the Arab countries and alleviating the consequences of the disastrous defeat of their armies. The Yugoslav diplomacy was particularly active in evacuation of the Yugoslav Blue- Helmet contingent stationed in Sinai, which was successfully done. Considerable military and economic aid was sent to the Arab countries. In the diplomatic field Yugoslavia advocated the interests of the Arab nations, insisting on a compromise solution – which at certain point led to a brief cooling of the Yugoslav-Arab relations caused by the rigidity of the Arab nations. The Yugoslav attempt at diplomatic mediation was based on day-to-day contacts with great powers, with an attempt at broader and more versatile engagement of the non-aligned countries with the aim of strengthening the position of the Arab countries. However, the crisis in the socialist world in 1968 and the aggravation of the conflict in the Far East, particularly the war in Vietnam, coupled with the transition of the process of solving the Middle East crisis into a slower, negotiatory phase, caused the Yugoslav diplomacy to show less interest in the removal of the consequences of the Middle East crisis.

Социализм против социализма: феномен чехословацкой оппозиции после поражения Пражской весньи. 1969–1972. гг

Author(s): Ella Grigoyevna Zadorozhnyuk / Language(s): Russian Publication Year: 0

The phenomena of the Czechoslovak opposition after collapse of the Prague Spring, genesis of its ideological and program goals in 1969-1972, when antireform part of the Communist party of Czechoslovakia began repression against the opposition, were analyzed in this article. The representatives of conservative course were victorious and the Prague Spring party’s programs and documents were canceled as „erroneous” (revisionist or opportunist). Opposition demonstrated their adherence to the democratic socialist ideas and this was the main paradox of the movement. The difference was shown within the framework of this movement and it was reflected in formation of some organization trends of the movement - The Movement of revolutionary youth (MRY), The Socialist movement of the Czechoslovak citizens (SMCC) and the Czechoslovak movement for the democratic socialism (CMDS). In general their activities were characterized in this period by double removal of the centers of the opposition’s movement - firstly, from the legal to illegal forms and secondly, from ideology of „socialism with human face” to the ideology of human rights. Confrontation between socialists (Czechoslovakia was named socialist republic) and democratic trends (including ex-communists), who composed the main part of the opposition, was fi nished after their arrests in January and political processes in summer 1972. After this, the Czechoslovak opposition began the search for the new alternatives, in which the socialist ideas did not occupy such important place and the search for new forms such as dissident movement.

Полуслужбено партнерство – Југославија и Савезна Република Немачка шездесетих година XX века

Author(s): Zoran Janjetović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The paper deals with the relations of Yugoslavia with West Germany in 1960s. It gives a survey of these relations in the previous decades and concentrates on their development particularly since the official breach of diplomatic relations in 1957. Political questions (such as indemnification for victims of Nazi persecutions or quasi-medical experiments, recognition of the German Democratic Republic), economic cooperation (credits, trade, tourism, „gastarbeiters”) and extreme anti-Yugoslav political emigration are dealt with. The paper embeds these matters in a broader context of international relations. The article is based on Yugoslav and German archival sources and relevant literature but it does not propose to be more than just a sketch of rich and variegated relations between the two countries.

Брантова источна политика и југословенска економска емиграција у СР Немачкој

Author(s): Vladimir Ivanović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Accession of the Grand Coalition marked the change of the direction of West-German foreign policy. The main actor, Willy Brandt started giving up the former guiding principles of foreign policy and began the process of normalization of relations with the countries of the Soviet bloc, accepting the reality of the existence of two German states in the process. The new course affected the relations between Yugoslavia and West-Germany too. The two countries reestablished diplomatic relations on January 31, 1968. This was the main precondition for solving problems burdening the bilateral relations. The author analyzes the matter of regulation of the status of the Yugoslav labor force in the FR of Germany and how the new Eastern policy of the new German government and the reestablishment of diplomatic relations influenced the solution of one of the most important problem of the bilateral relations. The solution of this problem encouraged both parties to believe that other problems encumbering the relations of the two countries could also be solved, above all the one concerning indemnification of the victims of Nazi persecution.

Југословенско-италијански односи и чехословачка криза 1968. године

Author(s): Biljana Mišić Ilić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The crisis in Czechoslovakia greatly influenced the development of political and economic relations between Yugoslavia and Italy. Yugoslavia’s disagreement with the policy of the USSR and her condemnation of the military intervention removed any doubt as to the independence of her foreign policy and spurred Italy to change her policy toward the official Belgrade which had hitherto been marked by reserve and distrust. Furthermore, Italy started regarding her relations with Yugoslavia from the point of view of her own security. This opened the way for improvement of relations between the two countries, so that Italy and Yugoslavia tried to demonstrate by a number of activities, the policy of goodneighborly relations and cooperation. After the August events in Czechoslovakia and the danger the USSR could militarily intervene in Yugoslavia too, Italy started lending support to the official Belgrade through numerous public and secret statements of her state officials. At the same time, she launched initiatives to solve unsolved questions in bilateral relations, such as drawing the definitive borderline. In the field of economy she tried to help Yugoslavia in her negotiations with the European Economic Community concerning export of some Yugoslav commodities to the countries, members of the Community. The new course of Italian policy was welcomed in Yugoslavia, due to the importance of this country for the Yugoslav state. Therefore the official Belgrade tried to use the propitious attitude of Italy to solve numerous matters concerning bilateral relations, particularly those from the sphere of economy.

Хронологија важнијих догађаја 1968. године

Author(s): Nataša Milićević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Chronology of the Important Events in 1968

Monumentality versus Economic Vitality: Was a Balance Struck in the Late Antique City?

Author(s): Marlia Mundell Mango / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Europe’s Fraternal War

Author(s): Mária Schmidt / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

At the beginning of the 20th century, the arms race was already underway, and conflicts were gradually reduced to either-or questions. Either the German Empire would be successful in tipping the European balance of power and thus challenging British dominance, or the Triple Entente would succeed in pushing back German expansionist efforts. It was only a matter of time as to who would brave the first move

Tisza István és az első világháborúhoz vezető válság

Author(s): Zoltán Maruzsa / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

The aim of the essay is the examination of the decisions which led to the breaking out of the WWI, and clearing of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, and especially Hungary’s wartime role. The analysis amplifies the events’ background, the Hungarian projections of the geopolitical situation with the help of the Prime Minister István Tisza and his political perspective. The essay shows the wartime situation by the historical literature, the delivered speeches in the Hungarian national assembly and the obtainable correspondences. The article draws a distinction between wartime responsibility and wartime crime while holds responsible for the whole European political elite because of the breaking out of the cataclysm.

A béke utolsó hónapja a Monarchia Magyarországán (1914. június 28.-1914. július 28.)

Author(s): András Gerő / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

The analysis is based on sixty newspapers and journals of the given period. It wants to show the political and everyday life of people in the last month of the peace after the assasination of Franz Ferdinand and before the declaration on war. The essay also wants to show the changing standpoint of Hungarian political elite concerning the outbreak of the war, and the cultural background of Hungarian nationalism.

A Kettős- és Hármasszövetség katonapolitikai együttműködése és szerepe az első világháború kirobbanásában

Author(s): András Kocsis / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

This study wants to give proof of the close connection between army policy and the questions of authority leading to the outbreak of World War I. How did the Austro-Hungarian Empire start the war? How well -prepared for war was the army of the Monarchy in 1914? How did the military preparedness affect the length of the war? What caused the neglect of the Austro-Hungarian army before the Great War? Did the High Command of the Austro-Hungarian Army have any choice between supporting the war or rejecting the conflict?

Elkerülhetetlen volt-e a háború, avagy kik voltak a Nagy háború felelősei?

Author(s): Csaba Surányi / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

By the summer of nineteen-hundred-fourteen, the political, military situation and the public opinion was mature for the war. When the war broke out, its purposes were not at all clear, the least the end result. The Great War had redrawn the map of Europe, rewrote its political order and had established new states. Europe has lost its role as leader of the world as a result of the word war started as a regional conflict. The great powers were unable to recognize that the war was the worst possible scenario, it was a disaster. Was the war inevitable? Why did it break out and why just then? Who were responsible for breaking out of the war? What were the goals of the rulers, governments and influential groups? Who were the real decision makers? Could the newly found interrelated facts significantly alter the judgment of events and key actors? Which are those questions that we still find controversial? We are looking for the answer to these questions in this essay. For presenting the regional background of the events, we have in large part used literature and sources published in the 2010s in Serbian language while striving to present the differing Serb views.

A magyar nemzeti érdekek első világháború alatti érvényesítésének lehetőségei és vaskos korlátai

Author(s): Pál Pritz / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

István Tisza, along with most of the Hungarian political elite was well aware that the country would inevitably suffer damage in the war. In case of a victory, it would have to put up with even more foreign nationals, and upon defeat the empire would fall apart.After a lost war, Saint Stephen’s Hungary was inevitably doomed. However, fate could have been somewhat less tragic. For the subsequent events, the state of the civil democratic revolution of 1918 can partly be held accountable. But the main responsibility lies with István Tisza’s Hungary, and the government in power from August 1919.

Bécs? Prága? Budapest? A szlovák nemzeti mozgalom útkeresései az 1910-es években

Author(s): Zsolt Vesztróczy / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

In the 1910’s the Slovak national movement had a double political program. The first level of this was the realization of the Nationality Law of 1868/XLIV. The second was the achievement of the autonomy for the compact Slovak language area in Upper Hungary. The Slovak national movement was too week to reach these goals all by itself, so they had to look for allies. They had four possibilities. The first was making alliance with other parties in the Hungarian parliament or besides it. The second was entering into connections with the crown prince, Franz Ferdinand who intended to federalise the Empire and give autonomy to ethnic groups within the Monarchy. The third was the Czech-Slovak cooperation, because the Czech regarded them as a brother nation. The fourth was to make pact with the Hungarian government to get some preferences by virtue of the Nationality Law of 1868/XLIV. Until the World War I the last the Hungarian government meant the real alternative, from 1915 the Czech-Slovak cooperation.

Impérialisme, idéologies et opinions publiques dans les origines de la Grande Guerre (années 1890-1914)

Author(s): Julien Papp / Language(s): French Publication Year: 0

This study presents the role of the export of capital in the creation of the systems of alliance at the end of the 19th century. The author examines the case of Marocco, Russia and the Ottoman Empire. Then the study deals with the French diplomatical relations in Belgium, with the Balkan wars and the role of the press before the First World War.

Tisza István a magyarságról, a Monarchiáról és a háborúról

Author(s): László Tőkéczki / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

The main political objective of István Tisza was to protect the integrity of historical Hungary at all costs: this was the underlying reason for sustaining the dualist system and the relationship with the Habsburgs. He believed that the situation dictated by the balance of powers exposed the Hungarians to grave danger, thus he maintained order with a firm hand, though by rule of law. He tried to curb the excesses of Hungarian nationalism („Hungarian imperialism”). He regarded contemporary world politics as struggle for regional dominion. Though he was a pro-German politician, in my view he rejected German dominance over Central Europe. As a devoted Christian, he considered the war a disaster.

Az I. világháború története a társadalmi nemek szerint

Author(s): Andrea Pető / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

In the Open Forum on legacy of WWI of The European Journal of Women’s Studies Joanne Nagel claimed that no matter that major changes happened in women’s position in the society the basic structure of patriarchal militarism remained the same. The chapter after analsying the different frameworks of gendering the history of the Great War explores a case study to uncover the different forms of silencing of women’s contribution to history of Hungary.