Veselin Golubović, Zagrebačka filozofija prakse: na putu k povijesnom mišljenju novog
Review of: Andrej Šimić - Veselin Golubović, Zagrebačka filozofija prakse: na putu k povijesnom mišljenju novog, Zagreb: Plejada, 2018., 280 str.
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Review of: Andrej Šimić - Veselin Golubović, Zagrebačka filozofija prakse: na putu k povijesnom mišljenju novog, Zagreb: Plejada, 2018., 280 str.
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Ad 1. Trudno mi w sposób kompetentny oceniać zmiany zachodzące w ciągu ostatnich 30 lat w całej historiografii polskiej, moje uwagi dotyczyć będą zatem jedynie jej części podejmującej zagadnienia z zakresu dziejów schyłku XVIII w. i XIX stulecia. Za szczególnie ważną tendencję uważam wyraźnie zaznaczające się poszerzenie pola zainteresowań badawczych historyków. W jego wyniku pojawiło się wiele interesujących prac podejmujących ważkie kwestie, choćby kształtowania się nowoczesnej, polskiej świadomości narodowej, przemian mentalności politycznej, ewolucji wspólnoty politycznej i spajających ją zasad oraz norm i wyobrażeń politycznych czy — co uważam za niezwykle cenne — studia nad dziejami dyskursu politycznego i historii pojęć politycznych.
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Vital interest of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (CPC) in struggle to achieve political power was to make its program attractive to a broad masses of Czechoslovak population. The Marx-Leninism, which became an ideological base of CPC, presented itself as the only relevant ideology capable of establishing a “socially just” society. Revolution as a road of the Communist regime to impose its rule was presented as unavoidable, because it was in harmony with laws of social progress formulated by Friedrich Engels, Karl Marx and Vladimir I. Lenin. The essential role in spreading ideology of the Marx–Leninism, according to leadership of CPC had propaganda. Despite strictly formulated principles of the Marx-Leninist ideology, communist propaganda during the existence of Czechoslovak Republic morphed in dependence on changing political development. Vicissitudes of form and content of communist propaganda in monitored period are traced in submitted paper. An emphasis is given to, till now, unpublished archival documents, deposited in Slovak and Czech archives. Invaluable source offering insight to concrete workings of communist propaganda is a contemporary press, primarily periodicals Pravda Chudoby and Pravda, which represented ideological views of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. A relevant source of information are social democratic Robotnícke noviny, which monitored closely development of its main rival CPC. A literature dealing with various aspects with history of Czechoslovak Communist Party was used where it was suitable to complement events by a more general description.
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The paper deals with the analysis of a historical document which describes in detail the course of the perambulation of the borders of the town Banská Bystrica in 1820. The document named Metales consists of a text part and a map part. The text part is divided into seven chapters describing specific border sections. Through a detailed analysis of one of the border sections, the south-west part of town borderline common with neighbouring domain of Radvanský family we learn not only about the exact course of the borderline, but also about the location and owners of land near the borderline, participants of the perambulation and historical toponymy, as well as the form and location of border markers. The document captures the course of control of old border markers – border piles (heaped soil or stones), border stones and border signs, as well as the making of new border markers.
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The paper discusses life of Tibor Bohdanovský – probably the most famous native of town of Bohdanovce in Košice – okolie district. On the other hand, among Bohdanovce’s inhabitants, he is almost unknown person. Tibor Bohdanovský (Tibor Schwarz) was born the son of Jewish innkeeper. Later he found himself in anti-Semitic regime and suffered of fascist oppression on territory of the then Hungarian kingdom during the second world war. After being captured by Soviet army, he joined Communist party of Czechoslovakia. In the post-war period he became active member of communist movement which came to power in 1948 and later he participated also in undemocratic policy of the regime, including persecution of kulaks – prosperous peasants. His identity is also very interesting part of the politician’s personality, since probably he denied his roots in order to secure his career. Since Tibor Bohdanovský was important part of totalitarian political environment during communist era in Czechoslovakia, his political career is definitely to be revealed and published.
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Ad 1. W pierwszej chwili — z pełnym przekonaniem — chciałem napisać, że właściwie nic nowego się nie pojawiło w ciągu ostatnich 30 lat; że historiografia akademicka ma się w miarę dobrze, że rozwija się linearnie i nic się nie dzieje poza wolnym postępem. Jednak nie byłaby to prawda; w historiografii polskiej w ostatnich 30 latach „na kilku odcinkach” nastąpił zasadniczy przełom. Chciałbym te przełomy wymienić w kolejności chronologicznej dziejów, zaczynając od czasów starożytnych, a zakończyć na czasach współczesnych.
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Nicolae Iorga (1871-1940) was Romania’s best-known historian and public intellectual between the two world wars, both at home and abroad. He is seen as the father of Romanian nationalism, as well as the main provider of historical continuity and legitimacy for the new Greater Romania of 1918. The aim of this paper is to argue that Iorga’s nationalism has been a political story from the very beginning. It was a politically motivated commitment toward reshaping society, through culture. This political reading contradicts the standard narrative that interprets Iorga as a cultural nationalist who only helped raise national consciousness in the wake and during the First World War. Instead, in the first part of this text, my reading of his political career depicts an intellectual who sought not only to cultivate the nation, but to advance his own political platform (based on the rejection of modernity, antisemitism, and irredentism) and to contribute to the establishment of a single strong territorial state reuniting all Romanians around the Old Kingdom. In the second part of the paper, I move from a short survey of the politics of memory by the main political regimes following Iorga’s assassination, namely the military dictatorship of Ion Antonescu and the communist regime, to a discussion of some strategies used in the post-1989 era to condone or obfuscate some beliefs and actions of Iorga by interpreting his nationalism as a cultural one.
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The Romanian Electoral Law of March 1926 embodied a surprising, uncanny, revolutionary, and controversial juridical innovation with a spectacular procedural trajectory. It was not designed to accurately detect and process the voters’ will, but to artificially produce comfortable monochrome parliamentary majorities in the Assembly of Deputies. Thus, it had a profoundly inequitable apportionment method. In a broad theoretical landscape, the particular perspective proposed by the present paper is that of reform as a product of its epoch. Therefore, we will try to reconstruct the complex political context of mid-1920s Romania as an essential puzzle piece for understanding some of the elements that determined the emergence of an unprecedented electoral algorithm. Both domestic and foreign policy issues will be discussed from a historical approach that starts with the fundamentals and goes to provide a more in-depth overview of the matter. Herewith, some areas of analysis somewhat undervalued by previous research endeavors will be addressed: the Romanian political thinking in the mid-1920s, the party system internal dynamics, the tumultuous events within the Royal House of Romania, the international relations, as well as the post-World War I evolution of the European political regimes.
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Non-Russian peoples were represented in Russian power structures long before the revolutions of 1905 and 1917, but less than the democratic norm, which suggests de facto ethnic discrimination in the Empire. In Soviet times, the actual ethno-political inequality of peoples in the USSR was gradually overcome, and participation of non-Russians in power structures grew systematically and even accelerated, and the role of Russians decreased accordingly. The increase in non-Russians’ share in governmental bodies was almost exclusively due to an increase in their ethnic status. By 1979, Russians had a very small majority in all government structures in the USSR as a whole, except for the legislative branch, which roughly corresponded to their higher share in the country’s population (50.8 % in 1989). However, the situation was different in the Union republics. Only in the Russian Federation did all peoples, Russian and non-Russian, participate in governmental bodies in proportion to their numbers and in full compliance with the democratic norm. In Belarus, Moldova, and Uzbekistan, titular ethnic groups were underrepresented, and Russians were overrepresented. In Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, and Estonia, the representation of Russians was below the democratic norm, and in nine republics it was higher, but despite this, they did not have a majority in any union republic. This situation developed as a result of the center’s national policy, which aimed at strengthening the authorities with national personnel, accelerating the modernization of the Union republics and raising the level of development in the lagging republics to the level of the most developed republics.
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The article reexamines the role of famous revolutionary and Social Democrat L. D. Trotsky in the Petersburg Soviet of Workers’ Deputies. One claim in the scholarly literature is that Trotsky was the leader of the Soviet, but this is based on his or someone else’s memoirs. This article analyzes this position: first, memoirs about the thesis on Trotsky’s prominent role as speaker during meetings of the Soviet, and the argument about Trotsky’s support in the Soviet; also, the question about the rating of the formal chairman of the Soviet, G. S. Khrustalev-Nosar, is discussed. This examination is based on archival documents: records of the interrogations of participants of the Soviet’s meetings written between the end of 1905 and the spring of 1906; letters written by Trotsky (mostly in the pre-revolutionary period); and the works of G. S. Khrustalev-Nosar. Analytic and comparative methods suggest that these sources are more objective than memoirs written many years after 1905 and in another historical context. The article concludes that Trotsky’s role in the Petersburg Soviet is exaggerated: memoirs are subjective or analyzed only from one point of view, and sources closest to the time show that Trotsky was a participant and even the prominent speaker in Soviet meetings, but he did not find wide ideological support there. The formal chairman of the Soviet, G. S. Khrustalev-Nosar, had enough authority, denying the claim that Trotsky was the one and only leader of the Soviet.
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Ad 1. Najważniejszym polem moich zainteresowań naukowych jest historia XX w., w tym doświadczenie totalitaryzmów. Po 1989 r. w wielu aspektach udało się przełamać dziedzictwo białych plam i tematów zakazanych w okresie PRL. Jednak należy to uznawać raczej za wyraz powrotu do normalności wolnego państwa, niż jakieś szczególne osiągnięcie. Okupacja sowiecka, Polskie Państwo Podziemne, dzieje walk niepodległościowych na ziemiach wschodnich w czasie wojny, dzieje podziemia niepodległościowego po wojnie, kulisy funkcjonowania aparatu władzy i struktur bezpieczeństwa w PRL, dzieje opozycji niepodległościowej i demokratycznej, Solidarności i stanu wojennego — to obszary o dzisiejszym zakresie wiedzy nieporównywalnym do punktu wyjścia sprzed 30 lat. Szczególnie ważne było w tym kontekście wprowadzenie do nieskrępowanych badań historycznych całego zasobu archiwów wcześniej niedostępnych.
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Czuję się zobligowany, aby zacząć od wskazania dwóch okoliczności, które w oczywisty sposób wpływają na moje uwagi o tym „skąd przychodzimy [i] dokąd zmierzamy”. Pierwsza z nich to fakt, iż w latach 1988–1991, do których jako do cezury początkowej odwołują się inicjatorzy ankiety, byłem osobnikiem raczej dojrzałym, w przededniu profesury (1991), zawodowo ukształtowanym praktykiem tradycyjnie przedstawianej historii Polski XX w.
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The purpose of this text is to present the historical and political thought of the florentine politician, historian and thinker Francesco Guicciardini (1483–1540), who in his works observes and analyses the crisis and the decline of the glorious “golden age” of Florence and Italy, known later as Renaissance. The text shows that Guicciardini also marks a point of departure for a distinctively modern understanding of history and politics and tries to clarify what the novelty consists of.
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The article concerns the chronological framework and circumstances of constructing a castle of the Teutonic Order in Bäslack (Bezławki). The research was based on written, mainly manuscript, primary sources. A detailed analysis has been made of the colonisation carried out by the Teutonic Order in the lower and middle course of the Dajna River, where this castle was built, in the region of Barten (Bartia). The analysis made it possible to date back the chronology of constructing the stronghold to the 1370s. It was also argued that the direct reason for erecting the castle was the conflict of the Bishop of Ermland (Warmia) Johann II Stryprock with the Teutonic Order, which had been escalating in the 1360s, and which ended only in 1374/1375. On the one hand, the construction of the castle in Bäslack was to symbolically emphasise the dominant position of the Teutonic Order in Prussia and its supremacy over the dominion of the bishops of Ermland. On the other hand, it was to serve as a tangible demarcation of the territory which was directly under the rule of the Teutonic Order in the region, where the border between the lands controlled by the Teutonic Knights and by the bishops of Ermland had not been firmly established, which was one of the causes of the aforementioned conflict.
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International traveller and acclaimed Swedish-language author Göran Schildt sailed in the Black Sea in the summer of 1963. He was a well-read scholar with a deep interest in the Antiquity and a seasoned traveller with a vast experience of multilingual and multicultural situations. This was the first and last visit of his yacht Daphne to the Black Sea and the Eastern Bloc. Through the eyes of this keen observer, a small aperture can be detected among the bricks in the walls dividing Europe.A window had been opened by world politicians in the Iron Curtain at the end of the 1950s. Although there were periods of high global tension, new possibilities for travel and tourism were created in some Eastern Bloc countries, among them Bulgaria and Romania. Visits by dozens of journalists, writers and artists and thousands of charter tourists from the Western Bloc over the next few decades opened up new windows to the world beyond the Iron Curtain.Göran Schildt stands out among the Nordic cultural visitors to Bulgaria and Romania in the post-war period. His desire to get acquainted with everyday life and ordinary people, capability to see behind facades and analysing experiences could be defined as journalistic, but his travel writing went deeper. In comparison with some other writers from Finland, who visited Bulgaria or Romania during the Cold War, such as the poet Lassi Nummi or comic fiction writer Arto Paasilinna, and the Bulgarian author Yordan Radichkov who visited Sweden, Schildt’s background, interests and multilingual and multicultural strategies supported the discovery and collection of extensive information and the processing of it into a multidimensional travel book. This article discusses the journey and travel narrative of Göran Schildt from the perspective of multilingual and multicultural strategies for encountering other languages, societies and cultures, and the processing of experiences as recorded in his diary and his popular travel narrative.
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The conclusion of the state commissioned report addressed to Zakopane in 1972 was: “in Zakopane, the state is in a position worse than in capitalism. It has been reduced to the role of not even a night-watchman, but that of an unpaid street-sweeper”. This peculiar “autonomy” of the Podhale Region was affected by historical, social, cultural and geographical conditions that are commonly mentioned, though on the other hand, the state was also an important actor and nowise ambiguous. The tendency to take up strict supervision of sectors decisive for the image and importance of Zakopane and the Tatra region—tourism and sport—existed at the central level from the mid-1950s to the 1980s, but at the regional level, these policies encountered strong resistance. The reason was an emergence of specific social networks linking the private sector with the structures of local government, state and party, or even with the police and judicial departments, however, only thanks to them was it possible—due to the organizational inefficiency of the state—to fulfil a societal need for the modernization of leisure and related services, which grew suddenly after 1956. Only in the first half of the 1970s was the socialist state able to provide a relatively rational program thanks to being an influential factor in modernization, mostly due to maintaining control of material resources. However, in the period of disintegration of the system, the end of the 1970s and in the 1980s, the state’s program was no longer a barrier or alternative for the social actors.
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This article examines the role of social scientific expertise in socialist Czechoslovakia. The first section centres on the 1950s, when the new social sciences that helped build the institutions and rules of the new regime were established. The roles of social scientists as experts are analysed during the reform era of the 1960s and the so-called consolidation regime of the 1970s. In the final part of this text, the 1980s are characterised as a period when the unequal alliance of the social sciences and the socialist state fell apart. The article demonstrates that studying the relationship of state policies towards social scientific expertise deepens our understanding of state socialist rule. Scrutinising the responses to demands imposed by the state and the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ) on academia and expertise provides a fresh perspective on the attitudes of the educated middle class towards socialism as a political project and an everyday reality.
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This paper attempts to find out how the entire preceding course of Russian history predetermined the October Revolution’s outcome. With this aim, the structures and character of the Russian Revolution were analyzed by comparing the basic tenets of the theory of modified inversion cycles of historical development, introduced by the Russian sociologist A.S. Akhiezer, with the philosophical ideas of the representatives of Russian religious philosophy. It was suggested that the dominant Universalist view of revolution, with its idealization, should be replaced by M. Foucault’s singular “intermittent” method. As a result, the ideological affinity between the views of the modern liberal historical project on the Russian Revolution and the basic ideas of the philosophers of the Silver Age of Russian culture was revealed. Particular attention was paid to the “underdeveloped and undisclosed” character of personality in Russia (as understood by N.A. Berdyaev), which manifested itself most clearly in the phenomenon of the Revolution of 1917 and led to the triumph of pre-state and pre-political ideals of a traditional society. The legacy of Russian religious philosophy was reinterpreted by comparing it with the ideas of modern liberal philosophy of history.
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Ad 1–2. Przede wszystkim, wiedzeni „poprawnością naukowo-polityczną”, możemy rzecz jasna sformułować tezę o jednej polskiej historiografii (to znakomicie brzmi…). Jednak wyraźnie dostrzec można, moim zdaniem, w polskiej historiografii odnoszącej się do dziejów Polski i Polaków w XIX–XXI w. dwa nurty (oczywiście poza naturalnymi rozróżnieniami wynikającymi z odmienności warsztatów badawczych czy naukowych „podejść” do historii jako przedmiotu badań).
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The article is an attempt to summarise the achievements of local government in Poland reactivated in 1990, and the topics discussed in the article focus on development and functioning since 1808 Prussian urban reform, which is the organisational model for contemporary local government units in Europe. Much of the article is also devoted to the functioning of Polish local governments in the 1990s and early 2000s, preceding Poland’s accession to the European Union. The issue of the use of pre-accession funds and funds available after 2004 by local governments, which had a significant impact on infrastructure investments in Polish communes, districts and voivodship, was discussed in detail. On the basis of available reports, the article also presents an assessment of the achievements of local government in Poland over thirty years, with its successes and failures. The author also refers to the possibility of using this legacy by local governments of neighbouring countries aspiring to EU membership, mainly Ukraine.
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