Villem Ernits lähemalt ja kaugemalt
Review of: Villem Ernits. Koostaja Ott Kurs. Rupsi: Liivi Muuseum, 2021. 118 lk.
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Review of: Villem Ernits. Koostaja Ott Kurs. Rupsi: Liivi Muuseum, 2021. 118 lk.
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Review of: Jaan Tõnissoni kirjad Oskar Kallasele 1891–1936. Tartu: Ilmamaa, 2018. 407 lk.
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Since 1989, in the discourse on the transition in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the descriptions “regulated”, “negotiated”, “controlled” change or revolution have been used. In general, there is agreement in research on the issue regarding the contractual nature of change. The article examines in parallel the problems in the economic development of Poland and Bulgaria in the 1980s, the positions of these countries in an international aspect (especially the attitude towards them on the part of the West and the Soviet Union), the degree of preparedness and the approach of the negotiating sides – authorities and opposition, and the results of the change thus regulated.
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The thirtieth anniversary of the founding of the independent national states in Central Asia (the former Muslim republics of Soviet Central Asia) is an occasion for retrospection and assessment of the degree of achievement of the goals set in 1991, namely: building strong, independent, and internationally significant states; unification of ethnically heterogeneous components into cohesive nations; market economy; multiparty democracy and liberal civil society. The appearance of these states on the geopolitical map was a consequence of the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the political transformations in the Eastern Bloc after the end of the Cold War. Their common historical, political, economic, and cultural heritage motivates researchers to apply regional discourse in comparative analyses examining the processes in the five republics. Such an approach is justified, especially in view of the specifics of other significant geopolitical regions. However, the truth is that during the period in question the differences in their identities became more and more visible. Only after 2018, the processes of maturing and outgrowing political selfishness gave a chance for the beginning of constructive regionalism and fruitful cooperation among the five Central Asian republics.
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Review of: Vahidin Preljević, Nakon imperije, KDBH ˝Preporod˝, Zagreb, 2018.
More...Fašismus v první ČSR jako metodologický problém české, slovenské a československé historiografie z hlediska historiků "nového konsenzu"
This review article focuses on the Czech, Slovak and Czechoslovak historiography of fascism and fascist movements in interwar Czechoslovakia. Its aim is to map, characterize and critically analyze the most important works on Czech and Slovak fascism in the First Republic from contemporary publications to the present. Thus, the chronological scope of the study includes journalistic texts from the interwar period, an extensive output from the communist era, mostly more or less ideologically burdened, as well as the numerous and diverse works of Czech and Slovak historians written since the early 1990s. The author approaches the topic from the point of view of the so-called new consensus, represented mainly by the British historian Roger Griffin, to which the author himself subscribes and which he considers to be the most influential theoretical concept in the study of fascism in contemporary historiography. He sees its main features in the emphasis on ideology in an ideal-typical conception, in the belief in the existence of a general fascism and in methodological empathy, based primarily on the discourse of the fascists themselves. At the same time, the author also shares his critique of the “new consensus”. He suggests that after the fall of the Iron Curtain, Czech and Slovak historiography did not make sufficient use of the inspiration offered by international research for the study of fascism. Although Czech and Slovak historiography quickly shed its ideological allegiance and dealt with the phenomenon of fascism in interwar Czechoslovakia extensively, producing a number of works on the topic, most of these publications have been overwhelmingly narrative and empirical, descriptive rather than analytical. Furthermore, Czech and Slovak historians have not sufficiently reflected on the international debate and current trends in their research on fascism, and have neglected comparative studies, sticking to the usual partial topics. Despite considerable progress, Czech and Slovak historiography, in the light of the “new consensus”, has so far failed to answer a number of key questions about the nature and character of fascism in interwar Czechoslovakia. The author singles out only a few scholars who, in his view, go beyond traditional approaches and are or were at the forefront of international research on fascism: these are, for the period of the 1960s, primarily the Czech-German historian Bedřich Loewenstein (1929–2017) and, more recently, the Slovak historians Anton Hruboň and Miloslav Szabó and the Czech authors Pavel Kotlán and Miroslav Mareš.
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Review of: Marko Atilla Hoare, Bosanski muslimani u Drugom svjetskom ratu, Vrijeme, Zenica, 2019.
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Based on the available archival materials and professional literature, this paper deals with the historiographical reconstruction of socio-political circumstances in the Kaza of Ljubinje from the beginning of the 17th century until the outbreak of the Wars of the Holy League/Morean War. The Kaza of Ljubine shared the fate of the border parts of Herzegovinian Sanjak. In dynamic environment exposed to various attacks and insecurities from the outside, traces of political, economic, educational and cultural life were recorded, as well as the coexistence of members of different religions and a series of legators/waqifs who wrote their name in the history of this area through their endowments.
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Review of: Nikola Mijatov, Sport u službi socijalizma: Jugoslovensko iskustvo 1945–1953. Beograd: Čigoja štampa, Institut za savremenu istoriju, 2020, 507.
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Review of: Jugoslavija: poglavlje 1980–1991. Beograd: Helsinški odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji, 2021, 963.
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En 2004, l’histoire médiévale de la principauté de Moldavie s’est „enrichie” de plusieurs princes ou voïvodes qui auraient régné avant 1400, c’est-à-dire entre Bogdan Ier (1363–1367), le fondateur de la dynastie, et Alexandre le Bon (1400–1432). Là où jusqu’alors il y avait six princes régnants, on comptait maintenant onze – presque le double ! Les cinq nouveaux personnages avaient surgi des pages d’un manuscrit du XVIIIe siècle, oeuvre d’un illustre homme de lettres et théologien, l’archimandrite Vartolomei Mazereanu. Suivant la suggestion du métropolite Iacob Ier de Putna (Putneanul), il avait pris l’initiative de mettre en ordre les archives de quelques monastères moldaves, en rédigeant des cartulaires (condici ou catastife) pour les documents, qu’il a traduits du slavon et a résumés dans ces registres. En même temps, il a refait les anciens obituaires (pomelnice) de ces monastères, opération qui, à son avis, devait supposer non seulement la traduction du slavon, mais aussi un autre arrangement des noms inscrits au cours des siècles et même la transformation des noms devenus inusuels pour les faire correspondre à ceux des Synaxaires de l’Église Orthodoxe Russe. Il va sans dire que l’archimandrite n’avait pas l’ambition de faire une oeuvre scientifique, voire une édition critique de ces obituaires. Or, à travers les siècles, de très nombreux chrétiens avaient inscrit leurs noms dans ces obituaires sans observer aucune règle – entre les lignes, parmi les autres noms, dans n’importe quel chapitre (celui des princes, celui des hiérarques, des grands boyards, des moines etc.) établi par l’auteur de l’obituaire – c’est-à-dire, où il y avait une place libre. La transcription tale quale de tous ces noms, sans délimiter le texte primitif des additions ultérieures – qui, sans aucune mauvaise intention, ont quand même altéré profondément les inscriptions initiales – eut pour résultat un mélange dépourvu de toute valeur historique ou généalogique. Il faut accepter le caractère dynamique de l’obituaire, qui, en vertu de son but, permet aux utilisateurs de faire des additions sans tenir compte de place, même si lesdites additions ne s’accordent pas au contexte, dont elles peuvent changer essentiellement le sens.C’est le cas de l’obituaire refait par l’archimandrite Mazereanu, dont le texte primitif fut conçu en 1488, lorsque le prince de Moldavie, Etienne le Grand (1457–1504) transforma la fondation privée de Voroneţ en fondation princière et lui-même devint le nouveau ktitor. L’original slavon n’existe plus, donc toute discussion doit se rapporter à la traduction de 1775. Les cinq personnages qui semblent „compléter” la liste des princes moldaves du XIVe siècle portent des noms jamais utilisés dans la postérité de Bogdan Ier: Dobroslav, Şandre, Gheorghii, Micul et Săpot. Pour expliquer leur présence dans le chapitre réservé aux princes de Moldavie, on a accepté leur existence réelle en tant que membres de la dynastie et princes régnants. L’auteur rejette une telle hypothèse dépourvue de toute fondation documentaire et logique. Il faut également rejeter une autre possible explication, suggérée par la théorie – chère à certains historiens roumains – des „règnes parallèles” ou la persistance des „voïvodes locaux” (à Voroneţ, dans ce cas) après la fondation de l’État et dont les noms seraient inscrits dans un obituaire. Il n’y a aucune raison pour valider une telle théorie, car il serait incompréhensible qu’un prince de Moldavie (i. e. Etienne le Grand) accepte l’introduction de tels compétiteurs ou usurpateurs de sa dynastie dans l’obituaire de sa fondation, en obligeant, de cette manière, les moines de prier pour leurs âmes. D’ailleurs, il faut observer que l’archimandrite Mazereanu lui-même n’a pas utilisé cette „découverte” dans sa propre oeuvre d’histoire moldave.La valeur et l’importance des anciens obituaires pour l’histoire et pour la généalogie sont unanimement reconnues par les spécialistes, on y trouve parfois des informations uniques et d’une portée spéciale (par exemple, les listes des boyards tombés sur le champ de bataille); mais pour mettre ces sources au service des études historiques et généalogiques il faut les soumettre d’abord à un examen critique afin d’établir la fiabilité des informations par rapport au coordonnées chronologiques du document de ce type, traduit ou copié quelques siècles après sa naissance. Dans le cas discuté, le manuscrit de 1775 est, sans doute, un document authentique, mais ses informations doivent susciter la réticence du chercheur qui connaît l’évolution habituelle des obituaires. Sans le moindre esprit critique et sans tenir compte ni de la personnalité de l’auteur-traducteur et de l’ensemble de son oeuvre, ni de la spécificité de la source envisagée, on ne peut pas se fier à une telle source pour construire des théories historiques „révolutionnaires”.
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The study is concerned with the question of when and what historical events could have led to the letter written by István Upori, the bishop of Transylvania, Miklós Csáki, the voivode of Transylvania and Mihály Nádas(di), the count of the Székelys (comes Siculorum), in Torda (Turda, ROM), on the Monday following Oculi Sunday in a certain year. In this letter, the three leaders informed the Transylvanian Saxons that, after a meeting with the Transylvanian nobles in Torda, they had decided to mobilise part of the nobility and peasantry, and that they too should arm themselves and prepare for the king’s service. According to the dignity of the letter-writers, the source could have been written in the five years between 1415 and 1419, but a more precise dating of the letter was possible for the reasons explained in detail in the study: the meeting in the town of Torda was called in mid-March 1416 and the decisions taken there were written to the Saxons on 23 March 1416.
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Review of: Matthias Fink, Srebrenica. Hronologija jednog genocida ili šta se desilo sa Mirnesom Osmanovićem, Dobra knjiga, Sarajevo, 2020.
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The waqf orphanage in Sarajevo was founded in 1911 and began operating in 1913, when the first orphans moved in. This project of the waqf-mearif administration aimed at humanitarian care and care for orphans and poor Muslim children. From the very beginning, the provincial government supported the initiative to establish such an institution. Her financial donations from religious and educational subsidies enabled the uninterrupted work of the orphanage. Both, state and local authorities have financially supported the orphanage. The city governments included regular annual allocations for the orphanage in their budgets, expressing their support for the humanitarian activities of the waqfmearif administration. The first municipality to promise this subvention was Rogatica and set aside 500 crowns for that purpose. In addition to government donations and regular endowment revenues, the orphanage had its own fund. The population of Bosnia and Herzegovina paid voluntary contributions to it, so that by the end of the First World War, over one hundred thousand crowns were paid. The Waqf administration appeared to collect aid for the orphanage during various ceremonies, such as mawlids, parties, weddings and other gatherings. They especially tried to invite Muslims to show their mercy and donate money to the orphanage fund during holidays, such as Eid. In addition to financial contributions, sacrificial animal skins were collected throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina and donated to the orphanage. In some cases, they were still sold and the money earned was sent to Sarajevo. Such collection actions were led by waqf-mearif commissions or prominent individuals. The financing of the waqf orphanage was therefore done from different sources and in different ways, which enabled this institution to perform its function unhindered.
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As a common and widespread name in the Slavic world, Biograd represents a settlement that stood out in its surroundings and therefore bore a recognizable name. Three Biograds existed on the territory of Herzegovina in the Middle Ages: near Konjic, Nevesinje and Trebinje. They were formed geostrategically on important communications and are continuous expressions of population in all phases of the past. Preserved archival indicators in the developed Middle Ages make it possible to trace the fortress complex for Biograd in Konji and Nevesinj, which also have their own suburbs, while Biograd in Trebinje was then at the level of a rural settlement.
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The national issue was crucial in the context of the transformation of Yugoslav society from socialism to the desired communism. However, in federal Yugoslavia, this issue was proved highly dynamic, and it was resuscitated anew and interpreted significantly differently. Republic leadership in the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina forced the proclaimed principle of national equality, the dogma of brotherhood and unity; in addition, it was highly sensitive to any stepping out of the defined frame. It also listened carefully to impulses coming from other republics, following the events, especially in the Socialist Republic of Croatia and the Socialist Republic of Serbia, which could have affected the mood and activity of the population within the borders of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Based on the original archives, this paper focuses on the President of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Bosnia and Herzegovina Branko Mikulic during the early 1970s, a period of significant political turbulence throughout Yugoslavia. We indicated what he spoke about the position and activities of the League of Communists, the adopted national policy, the conclusions of the 21st session of the Presidency of the LCY and their implementation in Western Herzegovina. Mikulic has been visiting this part of the Republic intending to encourage the activities of the League of Communists, on the trail of the conclusions of the Mostar Consultation (1966), and remove the mortgage of ustashism from the position of Western Herzegovina, unfounded insistence on collective responsibility and generalization. He insisted that the local staff under the aegis of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Bosnia and Herzegovina should solve problems in this part of the Republic, as well that interference from the Socialist Republic of Croatia and the Socialist Republic of Serbia makes the position of the people in Bosnia and Herzegovina onerous. Ultimately, even though the 1970s was a decade of significant progress, the economic development of Herzegovina did not go according to plan and republic funds should have supported local loans and self-contributions to a greater extent. Life in Western Herzegovina has differed significantly from the model defined in party documents, numerous conclusions and resolutions. In congruence with the crucial transforming processes of Yugoslav federalism, there was no intention to change certain practices and attitudes of the Party. However, the national question, and thus the national affirmation, was under the firm supervision of the leadership, which was in constant fear of crossing the permitted border and disturbing the strict balance of nations of Bosnia and Herzegovina in conformity with its views and determinants.
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Along with the development and spread of feminism and women’s movements in the 1970s, there was an expansion of scientific works on women through a history of different spectrum and significance. Thanks to the competence and agility of contemporary historians, a departure from feminism has been established and an independent historiographical direction in the study of women’s history has been formed. In these half centuries of opening the women’s issue and the visibility of the role of women throughout history, numerous scientific works have emerged that shed light on this important and undeniable side of history that has long been marginalized through traditional science. Women’s history as a historiographical direction is not yet institutionalized in all national universities of developed societies, but the history of women and their importance in social development is being studied more and more intensively, which can be seen from the increased number of published works. Recent literature in the first two decades of the 21st century shows that women’s history is written not only by women but also by men, and that integrity and legitimacy are achieved through an interdisciplinary method.
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Review of: Dženita Sarač-Rujanac, Branko Mikulić: politička biografija 1965-1989, Univerzitet u Sarajevu – Institut za historiju, Sarajevo, 2020.
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Review of: Genocid nad Bošnjacima, Srebrenica 1995–2020: Uzroci, razmjere i posljedice, Muamer Džananović, Zilha Mastalić-Košuta and Merisa Karović-Babić (Eds.), Institut za istraživanje zločina protiv čovječnosti i međunarodnog prava Univerziteta u Sarajevu - Univerzitet u Sarajevu - Univerzitet u Tuzli - Institut za historiju Univerziteta u Sarajevu, Sarajevo – Tuzla, 2021.
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