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An altar column from the original temple in the village of Samundzijevo (Botevgrad today) has been preserved in the altar of the “Christ’s Ascension” Church in Botevgrad. A commemorative inscription is carved on it, testifying that the Temple was built in memory of the New Georgi of Sofia in 1865. For the time being this is the only testimony in the Balkans of the existence of a church bearing the name of a newly proclaimed martyr, tortured and murdered by the Ottoman rulers. In this paper the inscription is examined in the context of the local and national history. Some questions about the nationality and the liturgical worship of the New Georgi of Sofia are also cleared up. It is recommended that the old name of the church in Botevgrad be restored, and the monument kept in a museum environment.
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The authors examine the Bulgarian and Turkish politics towards the Mussulman population from North-Eastern Bulgaria in the period between the wars. It is proved that Bulgaria considers the Turkic-speaking and Mussulman population as a minority and bases its politics to it on the agreements for the defence of the minorities under the patronage of the UN. But Turkey follows a marked nationalist politics and reveals active Kemalist propaganda between the Mussulman population in Bulgaria. The word is for a support of a constant campaign of migration, development of private schools, distribution of press and the new Turkish alphabet, creation of local intelligentsia – followers of the Kemalist movement etc. While in Turkey the adherents of the Mussulman religion are put to persecution, the Muslims in the neighbouring Balkan countries, and in front of all the Bulgarian Muslims, are considered by the ruling Kemalist circles for a constituent part of the Turkish nation. Ankara operates with them and uses them as an argument in its foreign politics. In its main mass the Mussulman population in Bulgaria remains a peaceful and agrarian one, politically passive, well-disposed to neighbours-Christians. But however Kemalist organizations emerge, an active Kemalist propaganda starts, psychosis for migration is held up etc. – a process, which the Bulgarian state and the anti-Kemalist Mussulman powers do not manage to restrict.
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The article studies the participation of the Bulgarian Ilija Milarov in the political life of Croatia and defines his contribution for the confirmation of the democratic tendencies in the Croatian society. On the background of the occurred changes in the ideology and practice of the political parties in Croatia, the author lights up the development of the right’s radicalism and the attempt of Ilija Milarov to create radical fraction in the Right’s Party. Proof is given to the prerequisites, which define the active participation of Ilija Milarov in the Croatian political life, and his views of life are explained. The article studies the ideology of the created by the Bulgarian group of followers (known in the contemporary Croatian historiography as “the group Milarov”; and the efforts of this group to have its own press – the magazine “Svietlo”. After making clear the reasons, which condemn to failure the attempt of the “group Milarov” to create the first radical political formation in Croatia, the author estimates this attempt as the first step in the confirmation of the progressive ideology and practice of the Progressive Omladina and of the democratic start in the Croatian political life.
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The “class-professional theory” of Alexander Stamboliiski, which treats the problems of the class and professional (that is productional-professional) division and composition of the society, of class and professional struggle, of political and economical organization and struggle, is the heart of the ideology of the Bulgarian Agrarian Union in the initial stage of its history. This theory is not only on the basis of the ideological and political activity of the union, but it grounds its place in the society and its role in the social struggles. Alexander Stamboliiski develops his views during his hole creative life. In the course of time some of his ideas receive further development and changes, others remain in its initial stage. In some cases he proceeds to defend his old views in words, but in deeds steps back, because life is stronger than any statement.
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The nazi aggression on the Balkans in April 1941 places infront of the Bulgarian society in Macedonia the problem for its future. After some hesitations in the choice between a dependent from the Reich Macedonian state and annexation to the fatherland, the second statement prevails. On the 13th of April 1941, Bulgarian Central Campaign Committee for Macedonia is created. With a declaration towards the Macedonian Bulgarians it announces the annexation of Macedonia to Bulgaria. The creation of local campaign committees begins in the villages of Vardar Macedonia. The created mass Bulgarian organization carries the political power. It unites the most authoritative representatives of all the strata of the local Bulgarian population, subordinating the ideological differences to the idea of the liberation and annexation to Bulgaria. he collapse of Yugoslavia and the created state and political vacuum gives the possibility of the campaign committees to liquidate the Belgrade administration and to replace it with a Bulgarian one. Concrete actions for liberation of the Bulgarian prisoners of war are made, and for the defense of the Bulgarians in the Italian occupation zone and for the feeding of the population and for it cultural advancement. The Bulgarian forces, going into Vardar Macedonia from 19th April are officially met.The campaign committees are mistrusted by the official Bulgarian government and with a decision from 7th August 1941 they are dismissed. With the manifestated insufficient appreciation of the place and the role of the Bulgarian campaign committees in the social and political life of Vardar Macedonia, the ruling in Bulgaria make a heavy blow on the national cause.
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The author publishes three new documents from the fund of the historical museum in Blagoevgrad which reveal the intention of Yugoslavia to annex Pirin Macedonia to the “federal democratic Tito Yugoslavia” planned at the end of August, the beginning of September 1944. The three letters from the headquarters of the III and the IV Macedonian People’s Liberation Brigade, sent to the partisan detachment of Gorna Dzumaja “Nikola Kalupchiev” show the desire of the Yugoslav state to annex Pirin Macedonia to Yugoslavia under the cover of the so-called national unification of the Macedonian people. For that purpose, the partisan forces must be drawn into that region and the heavy internal and external situation of Bulgaria must be used.
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This article is devoted to Jakub Banasiak’s book Proteus Times. The collapse of the state art system 1982-1993. Martial law, the second thaw, political transformation. The author deals with the period of changes of the visual arts sector from the period after Martial Law to the first half of the 1990s after the political transformation in Poland. Reviewing this 500-page publication, I would like to draw attention to the three most important threads touched upon by Banasiak, which make his book worth attention and broaden the discussion on patronage and state interventionism in the area of culture. The first concerns the changes, which gradually lasted almost a decade, and not just a year, as is often accepted when talking about 1989. The second concerns adopting a perspective that rejects the totalitarian paradigm, i.e. looking at the period of the Polish People’s Republic of in a broader spectrum, taking into account the many factors of its functioning through the prism of both the pros and cons of the system. The third one concerns describing the artistic scene without moralizing and not only in the dualism of collaboration-resistance, but also outlining a broader view of the context in which Polish art functioned in those years. I would also like to draw attention to the enormous amount of work Banasiak has done by conducting numerous searches, interviews and archive analyses, as well as to the enormous contribution his book makes to the discourse on the legacy of patronage in the Polish People’s Republic and how it can be applied to today.
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Harsh criticism and a polemic with the book by Jakub Banasiak Proteus Times. The collapse of the state art system 1982-1993. Martial the second thaw, political transformation, written in the form of an open letter by Józef Robakowski, who is one of the most important artists and witnesses of the history of art that Banasiak writes about in his book.
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The author brings out some more significant characteristics of the National Liberation Movement (NLM) in Slavonski Brod in the period 1941-1945. The major organizer and the leader of the National Liberation Struggle (NLS) against the occupier and its Quislihgs was the organization of Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY), with the abundant revolutionary tradition and a solid stronghold among the working class and the young people.
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During the first decade after the World War II, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia's (CPY) membership in Bosnia and Herzegovina consists of all the nations an nationalities in its ranks, from the basic organizations to the top leadership. Party's efforts were to carry out the idea of the total national equality and the adequa national representation of certain nations in relation to the population.
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Reviews of: ИЛИРИ И АЛБАНЦИ LES ILLYRIENS ЕТ LES ALBANAIS . Српска академија наука и уметности. Научни скупови XXXIX/10 . 375 стр.; La presenza Ebraica in Puglia, fonti documentarie е bibliografiche. Archivio di stato di Bari, Bari, 1981., стр. 188 ; О ТОБОЖЊОЈ »АРХИЕПИСКОПИЈИ ОСТРО БРДО« ; Мула-Мустафа Башескија, ЉЕТОПИС. »Веселин Маслеша« Библиотека »Културно насљеђе«, Сарајево, 1987. ; Ристо Бесаровић, ИЗ КУЛТУРНЕ ПРОШЛОСТИ БОСНЕ И ХЕРЦЕГОВИНЕ (1878-1918), Сарајево, »Веселин Маслеша«. 1987. с. 259.; ВЕЛЕИЗДАЈНИЧКИ ПРОЦЕС У БАЊАЛУЦИ (Зборник радова с Међународног научног скупа »Велеиздајнички процес у Бањалуци 1915-1916«, одржаног 25-27. септембра 1986. године у Бањалуци), Институт за историју Бањалука 1987, стр. 495. ; ПРВИ (ОСНИВАЧКИ) КОНГРЕС КОМУНИСТИЧКЕ ПАРТИЈЕ БОСНЕ И ХЕРЦЕГОВИНЕ, АРХИВ СК БиХ, АРХИВ БОСНЕ И ХЕРЦЕГОВИНЕ И НИШРО »ОСЛОБОЂЕЊЕ«, САРАЈЕВО, 1988.
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Within the period of changing occupations and ideologies shifts in the translation policies in Latvia were incredibly fast. The independence period saw a developed translation industry with a great variety of source languages, literature and quality. The soviets nationalized the publishers, ideologised the system, introduced censorship. Russian was made the main source language. After the German invasion the publishers regained their printing houses and a partial return to normality occurred. Most of the source texts now were German or Nordic - classics, travel literature and biographies. There were surprisingly few ideologically motivated translations. Most translators left for the West in 1944 when the soviet system was reinstated. The new occupation regime was even more repressive than in 1940/41. During these years Latvian translation agents adapted to the ideological dictum of the times and tried to retain their own agendas.
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The European Union faces a series of challenges that directly affect Romania as well. In the increasingly politically agitated East, Bucharest leaves the impression of an island of stability and predictability, without major crises and with decent economic growth. Moreover, Romania was one of the few countries in the European Union that, until the last parliamentary elections, did not have extremist parties in Parliament. However, the crises that neighbouring countries are going through force Romanian political leaders to seek solutions to a multitude of challenges. And the most important of these is the fluidity of borders. Maps are becoming more and more important, and Romania needs to understand this.
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In the immediate aftermath of the Second World War the borders and the geographical distribution of Central and Eastern Europe’s population changed dramatically, with the forced movement of millions of people. The Treaty of Paris took as one of its aims the creation of independent nation states. The settlement negotiated there lasted barely 25 years and the political geography of Europe after 1945 bears little resemblance to that established by the Treaty of Paris; the human cost of the creation of the borders of modern European states was enormous. In the context of the European Union, which has dramatically reduced the importance of national borders within Europe, nationalism has come to be regarded as backward looking and reactionary, and progressive politics is seen as the overcoming of national identity. Many of the states in Central and Eastern Europe were either new entities, or had new borders. The issue facing them was how to include these new citizens within their new nation states, as the allegiance of these citizens to their new nations was by no means clear. Some were from groups with different languages and traditions, and others, even though they might share the same language and perhaps some of the traditions and culture of the new nation were by no means wholeheartedly committed to membership of their new nation. There is a well-established school of thought within anthropology, based on extensive field work, that ethnic identity is a fluid concept, as much created as given. Building on the idea that national identities are created, and on the ideas of Ernest Renan, the political theorist Professor David Miller of Oxford University takes the view that there is a form of nationalism, based on the real and created differences between peoples, that can be a positive and socially liberal force in the creation of collective identity. However, Miller offers no philosophical guarantees that an inclusive collective identity will be created. The chances are just as great of creating an exclusionary conception of national identity, one which sees some inhabitants of a country as being less than equal citizens or even as not being real members of the national community at all. Since Miller sees nations as moral communities, a locus where the virtue of human solidarity can be given practical expression through political decisions and policies, it raises the possibility of certain conceptions of nationalism serving as the basis for immoral / amoral communities. That is to say, national communities that are the site of exclusion and discrimination, of political ills rather than political good. The interwar period posed the question to many of the new and expanded states of Central and Eastern Europe of what sort of conception of national identity they wanted to create, and the failure of many of these states to establish stable geographical boundaries and stable populations whose ethnic composition survived after the end of the Second World War is indicative of a failure to establish the kind of inclusive conception of national identity which Miller sees as vital if nations are to be moral rather than immoral / amoral communities. In the light of David Miller’s theoretical model of a liberal nationalism that is both substantive and inclusive, I propose to look at what options were available and what went wrong in the aftermath of the decisions taken by the Big Four on national boundaries and ethnic homogeneity in the Treaties of Paris.
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In the article the author describes the unknown, but existing in the People’s Library “Cyril and Methodis” diary of Dr. Vasil Radoslavov, written when he was a Prime Minister of Bulgaria from 1914 to 1916. The notes cast additional light upon the foreign politics of Bulgaria at that time and the diplomatic acti¬vity of Sofia with the Antanta and the Central powers, and also with the Balkan states which try to draw Bulgaria on their side. Vasil Radoslavov has written with details his impressions of the accredited in Sofia diplomats and about the reports of the Bulgarian diplomats abroad, there are summaries of his talks with Ferdinand. Considerable place take the relations with Austro-Hungary and Germany to and after the participation of Bulgaria on their side in World War One, about the loan from Germany and Austria. The diary fully confirms his and of tzar Ferdinand guilt – that they are orientated during the First World War to Austro-Hungary and Germany and methodically have prepared Bulgaria to take part in the war on their side, nevertheless the presence of a strong opposition in the country, which has thought, as history has rightly proved, that this chosen way is disastrous.
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On the 23rd of November 1932 the General Union of the National Workers Trade-Unions (NWTU) was created, with the help of the Peoples Social Movement (PSM) and was under its ideological and political leadership. The NWTU was formed as a third syndical central which broke the factual monopoly of the Free Ge¬neral Workers Trade-Union and the Independent Workers Professional Unions, connected with the Bulgarian Working Social-Democratic Party (united) and the Bulgarian Communist Party, above the workers and professional movement in Bulgaria. In the present article the author tries to make clear some of the following questions: first – the mechanism of the creation of the NWTU and the reasons for the participation of some part of the workers in it; second – its aims and how they are fulfilled; third – the concrete consequences for the workers professional movement in the country in the middle of the 30’s. The clarification of these questions is necessary for the complement of the history of the working-professional movement in Bulgaria and also for the completing of some of the sides of the activity of the NWTU.
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Dedicated especially to the idea of government by a moral elite, Chinese political culture is rooted in tradition, marked by the idea of harmony and realistic moralism, before it was marked in the twentieth century by propaganda, control, civic obedience, the cult of personality, concern for material welfare - to reach attempts to recover spiritual concerns in the beginning of the twenty-first century.
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The article represents a synthesis of the relevant moments in the evolution of the politico-diplomatic relations between the People's Republic of China and Republic/Socialist Republic of Romania from the second half of the XXth century.
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