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Orosz László: Tudomány és politika. Fritz Valjavec (1909–1960) a két világháború közötti magyar–német tudománypolitikai kapcsolatokban. Budapest, Ráció Kiadó, 2014.
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This article is an analysis of the circumstances in which Miloš Moskovljević worked and the results of his diplomatic activities as plenipotentiary envoy of FPRY to Oslo, Norway. Especially are stressed the lack of conϐidence which the new communist authorities had towards him as a bourgeois politician from a previous era and the newly developed situation created by the conϐlict that arose between the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and Cominform.
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The article is devoted to the peculiarities of Rus’— Byzantine relations in Taman, and specific role of Tmutorokan’ as condominate possession of Byzantium and Rus’. The discussed details of the biography of Prince Rostislav Vladimirovich are revealed, as well as the question of the reasons for his poisoning by the katepano of Cherson and perception of this murder. The evidence about the hypothetical uprising of the Cherson residents in the 60s — 70s of XI c. and the campaign against Cherson of Princes Vladimir Monomakh and Gleb Svyatoslavich is analyzed. The data on the campaign against Korsun’ in 1077 seems unlikely.
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Knowing that the registration of ownership rights is very important institute for legal and economic system of Kosovo, for its constitutive effect in gaining of ownership rights, protection of property rights of the owner and which enables effective management of the land, in order to understand its development, is necessary to turn back to history. Regarding to this, Kosovo is not known for an early origin and consolidated system of land registration until Twentieth Century; even afterwards, its development was influenced by many socio-economic and political factors. The review of the historical development of land records deserves a detailed study in Kosovo due to its complexity through the years, so in order to understand more accurately the footsteps of regimes, it is necessary to examine periods until 1912, 1912-1999 and 1999 till now days, because the elaboration of normative acts that arranged registration over the years, enable the readers to create a clear overview related to advances and characteristics of each stage of its development,therefore the differences and similiarities can be noticed clearly through descriptive and comparison method. Especially postwar period is characterized by major advances and essential changes as: Approval of Constitution and abrogation of old system. These changes contained fairly LL
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This article examines the attitudes of the Romanian boyars towards the Organic Statutes of Moldavia and Wallachia that were elaborated and introduced during the Russian occupation of the principalities in 1828-1834. These attitudes reflected the tensions within the boyar class that erupted in the wake of the Greek Etaireia uprising of 1821 and the collapse of the century-old Phanariote regime in Moldavia and Wallachia. The temporary emigration of great boyars, who had compromised themselves in the eyes of the Ottoman government by their real or alleged association with the Greek conspiracy, gave the boyars of the second and third rank an opportunity to redistribute the social privileges and redefine the political system of the principalities in their favor. In the years that followed the suppression of the Etaireia uprising, the lesser Wallachian, and especially, Moldavian boyars cooperated and with the Ottoman authorities and the first autochthonous hospodars. For their part, the greater boyars sought the support of Russia, the traditional protector of Moldavia and Wallachia, which pursued a legitimist foreign policy at this time and insisted on the restoration of the status quo ante 1821 in the principalities. Although the lesser Moldavian boyars had few contacts with the Russian authorities prior to the Russian-Ottoman war of 1828-1829 and the Russian occupation of the principalities, they were not uniformly inimical to the tsarist empire. In particular, they were attracted by the special form of government that the Russians established in Bessarabia, the eastern part of the principality of Moldavia that they annexed in 1812. The Bessarabian Statute of 1818 presupposed a wide involvement of the local nobility in provincial administration. The Russian definition of the nobility was at least notionally “egalitarian” and thus placed those Moldavian boyars of the second and third rank who had chosen to stay in Bessarabia on par with their great boyar counterparts. The petitions that the lesser Moldavian boyars submitted to the Russian authorities in 1830 thus did not fail to mention the Bessarabian example alongside a plethora of historical, legal and philosophical arguments intended to show that the drafting of the Organic Statutes by the narrow great boyar committees violated the political customs and traditions of the principality. The article argues that the position of the Russian occupation authorities on the question of intra-elite conflict reflected both the long-term institutional evolution of the Russian Empire and the specific political conjuncture of the late 1820s and the early 1830s. Russian political system of the second half of the 18th century proved to be rather accommodative of the interests of both the Great Russian nobility and of the elites of the borderlands. However, in early nineteenth century, this “empire of nobles” was gradually giving way to a militarized bureaucratic absolutism of the later Romanovs. This process involved the reduction of the role of noble self-government both in the center and at the peripheries of the empire, as illustrated by the curtailment of the Bessarabian autonomy in 1828. The demands of the lesser Moldavian boyars for a greater role in the process of elaboration of the Organic Statutes were thus at odds with the general approach of the Russian policy-makers towards government. The coincidence of the petitionary activities of the lesser Moldavian boyars with a new revolutionary wave in Europe made the Russian authorities even more hostile to the idea of broad political participation. Following the outbreak of a major uprising in the Kingdom of Poland in November 1830, the small boyar criticism of the drafts of the Organic Statute was interpreted as political subversion. These factors explain the failure of the lesser boyars to influence the distribution of political prerogatives and social privilege at the moment of elaborations and adoption of the Organic Statutes. Skewed in favor of the great boyars, the provisions of the Organic Statutes alienated too many segments of the Romanian society, which deprived the Russian hegemony in the principalities of a solid foundation.
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This is the review of the latest work of Francis Fukuyama, the well-known American intellectual. Fukuyama tries to eruditely present the common and comparative history of nations and civilization. His work seems unfinished as he interrupts his considerations after reaching the eighteenth century which is a result of a change in the shape of state-building processes at this precise moment of history. This is the end of the age of Malthusianism, that is a period of permanent shortage in resources in relation to demographic surplus in the earlier world. The review contains also the critical part, in which the author indicates translation mistakes, essential errors and shorthands of Fukuyama as well as the problem of reconciling philosophical and historical considerations.
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The author analysis the origin of idea of proportional representation. The study focuses on origins of two basic forms of proportional representation electoral systems – Party-list Proportional System and Single Transferable Vote System. The article also focuses on the way the idea of proportional representation was introduced into practice.
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The study analyzes the process of electoral districts delimitation. The main focus is on gerrymandering – the practice attempting to establish geographic boundaries to create partisan advantage in the electoral process. The term Gerrymander originated in 1812, when the Massachusetts Legislature divided the County of Essex into two senatorial districts to dilute the strength of the opposing party. The study emphasizes the history of gerrymandering, its goals and the Supreme Court’s decisions dealing with manipulative redistricting process.
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The coup d’état from February 1866 is the first event of this kind in the modern and contemporary history of Romania. Subsequently, similar scenarios occurred in 1930, 1940, 1944, 1947 and 1989, of course, with different purposes and different protagonists. But they can neither be compared, nor analysed from a similar perspective with the event from February 1866. The modern and contemporary “plotters” have presented their actions as “revolutions”, in accord with the will of the people, which represents an extreme position and a blameable historical fakery. On February 11, 1866, the planners of the coup d’état chased Alexandru Ioan I away for personal and group interests, being legitimated neither by the people, nor by the international conventions established by the Great Powers of those days. After 14 decades, even if the event could be thoroughly and honestly analysed, the explanations given by the historians generally don’t represent the result of a complete and non-partisan analysis. The article hereto embarks upon an analysis of the limits of the loyalty of politicians and responsible institutions, without laying the blame on anyone due to lack of proofs. Our contribution consists in presenting several essential aspects of the event: the irresponsibility of plotters who put the unified Romania – this centuries-old dream of the people – in danger, the lack of diplomatic and media aspects of the actions and, the most serious thing, the presentation of the “revolution” as a legitimate action performed in the name of the entire nation.
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This study examines the circumstances which lead to the purge of Aleksandar Ranković, the longtime person “Number one” in the State Security’s apparatus. The study also analyses the impact it had on the future events in the history of Yugoslavia. The political fall of Aleksandar Ranković coincided with the beginning of the process of redefining relations between the member-states of the Federation sparkling suspicions that the two events were closely interlinked. Moreover, Aleksandar Ranković was posthumously proclaimed Serbian nationalist. In this study, we also analyse what affairs during the Ranković’s ouster can be linked to his name; how much truth there is in the accusations of his involvement in the wire-tapping of the Yugoslav top level political leaders’ affair and what were his ambitions to become one of them. What implications did these events have on the wider scope of the state’s political actions?
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Gdy zwrócono się do mnie, bym omówił kwestię „aktualności Behemota”, od razu pomyślałem, że w tytule brak jednego słowa: „dzisiaj”. Szczególnie dzisiaj, gdy ponownie analizujemy reżim narodowosocjalistyczny – nie tylko w Niemczech, lecz na wszystkich kontynentach – warto zadać sobie pytanie, dlaczego Franz Neumann nie jest częściej cytowany w publikowanych obecnie książkach. To zrozumiałe w czasach, gdy ukazuje się tak wiele książek, że fundamentalne idee, od których zależy tak wiele badań i tekstów, nareszcie stają się częścią książek, bez przywoływania ich autorów. Długość jednego pokolenia – gdy mowa o ludziach – wynosi zapewne 25 lat, a przy małym przyroście naturalnym być może 30 lat, natomiast w działalności wydawniczej możemy mówić nawet o dziesięciu latach; w tym czasie pojawia się nowa generacja autorów, których książki mają nową formę i pisane są z nowego punktu widzenia. W tym sensie od wydania Behemota minęło kilka pokoleń.
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Wśród ksiąg pamięci, czyli wydawanych po wojnie publikacji upamiętniających unicestwione w wyniku Zagłady żydowskie społeczności Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, tom poświęcony prawobrzeżnej części Warszawy zajmuje szczególne miejsce. Jest to jedyne spośród ponad pół tysiąca tego typu wydawnictw, które nie dotyczy ujmowanego jako całość konkretnego miasta (lub miasteczka), lecz zaledwie jednej dzielnicy, wydzielonej z większego organizmu miejskiego.
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Još od kraja 16. vijeka, obrazovani Bošnjaci, sa Hasanom Kafijom Pruščakom u pročelju, uočavajući spoljne manifestacije i znakove unutarnjeg, običajno-moralnog miniranja moći Osmanske države, prolazili su kroz iskustva kritičkog promišljanja društva, politike i države. Zavisno od svoje opće svjetonazorske orijentacije kao i od karaktera "užih disciplina" unutar kojih se iskazivalo njihovo duhovno stvaralaštvo (logika, dijalektika, retorika, dogmatika, ali i poezija, etika, politika ili historiografija, naprimjer) njihova je kritička misao poprimala različita utemeljenja, ogledala se oko raznovrsnih sadržaja i time određivala razinu apstraktnosti u svojim rezultatima kao i svoje ambicije u odnosu na fakticitet osmanske društvene i političke zbilje.
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This paper deals with political theory that Michael Psellos expresses in his programmatic work, the Chronographia, exploring it on its own merits and separating it from his alleged social and political “biases”. Psellos’ history is analyzed from several perspectives and on several narrative layers. The paper dwells on his views on the imperial ideal, as well as his opinions on participants in the political life of the empire (mainly imperial advisors and generals), from both horizontal (Constantinopleprovinces; center-periphery) and vertical (the masses and the aristocracy) perspective, reflecting upon his stance on what constitutes aristocracy. Finally, it reexamines Psellos’ “Constantinopolitan bias” by distinguishing his attitudes from his perspective, identities and alliances, and exploring in which ways exactly his metropolitan upbringing and education shaped his narrative.
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